Tiocfaidh Ar La

2003-05-03T11:32:00.000-10:00

Tiocfaidh Ar La

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2003-04-18T12:11:00.000-10:00

NIO won't pay out on quashed conviction

A 38-year-old County Antrim man who spent ten years in jail has been refused
compensation by the Northern Ireland Office (NIO) despite the fact that his
conviction was quashed by the North's top judge, Judge Carswell.

Gerard Magee was sentenced to 20 years imprisonment in 1991 on the basis of
statements he made during 30 hours of RUC interrogation in Castlereagh
interrogation centre in Belfast in 1988. During his detention, Magee was
refused access to his solicitor.

In 2000, the European Court of Human Rights found that the British
government had broken article Six of the European Convention by denying
Magee access to his solicitor, and his appeal was referred to the Court of
Appeal in 2001. Hearing that appeal, Carswell said Magee's conviction could
not be justified in light of the ruling of the European Court and overturned
it.

But now the NIO has now refused Magee's claim for compensation.

In a letter, the NIO's Criminal Law branch told Magee that although the
conviction had been overturned by both the European Court and the Court of
Appeal, he was not entitled to compensation because the quashing of his
sentence had not proved beyond reasonable doubt that there had been a
miscarriage of justice, and he was still not an "innocent man".

Magee has, however, been granted grounds to launch a judicial review against
the decision.

Commenting, Gerard Magee said that money wasn't an issue that it was about
the British government refusing to admit they sent an innocent man to
prison.

"My case is like many other Irish people who have been unfairly convicted
and even when the British government have been forced to admit they sent
innocent people to prison, they still won't change their attitude."

Magee was released from prison in 1998 under the terms of the Good Friday
Agreement, having spent ten years in the H Blocks.

2003-04-17T15:14:00.000-10:00

Adams: IRA statement 'clear and unambiguous

The IRA statement sent to the British and Irish governments is "clear and unambiguous" Sinn Fein President Gerry Adams insisted last night.

Speaking at a party meeting in the border town of Newry, Co Down, he said the statement was "unparalleled".

While London and Dublin still try to wring further concessions out of the IRA, Mr Adams told activists that the IRA statement "contains a number of highly significant and positive elements unparalleled in any previous statement by the IRA leadership, either in this or in any other phase of their struggle".

Tony Blair and his Bertie Ahern continue contacts with republicans in an apparent effort to get them to spell out more clearly exactly what they have on offer.

Their governments joint declaration of a route map due to have been delivered to get devolution restored in Northern Ireland was to have been delivered last Thursday.

But it now seems likely it will be put off until after Easter.

Officials in London and Dublin are working around the clock to try to get the IRA to make an unambiguous statement that the war is over and weapons will be decommissioned.

But Mr Adams insisted that the importance of the IRA's last statement to the governments – so far not published – was not lost on the two administrations.

"Why otherwise, did the two governments publicly commend the Army statement as proof of the IRA's desire to make the peace process work," he said.

"I find it incredible therefore that they have not yet acted on the basis of this unprecedented contribution."

Given 30 years of conflict and almost a decade of peace making, said Mr Adams "why the huge effort to wring different words out of P.O'Neill?".

He added "Why not let people use words of their own choice. Actions or lack of actions speak louder than words.

The republican leader said the IRA statement was clear about its willingness to put arms beyond use.

"So what more do they want? Who is setting the agenda? Are the lessons of conflict resolution lost? Or have those who never learned it back in the ascendancy?," said the Sinn Fein leader.

2003-04-15T06:49:00.000-10:00

This is the full text of last night's IRA statement:

``Following approaches from others, the leadership of the IRA undertook to
draw up a statement setting out our views on recent developments in the
peace process.

We did so because of our commitment to this process and our desire to see it
succeed.

In this context we decided to give our attitude on:

:: The current disposition of Oglaigh na hEireann (the Irish Republican
Army) and the status of our cessation.

:: Our future intentions.

:: Our attitude to a re-engagement with the IICD (the Independent
International Commission on Decommissioning) and engagement in a process of
putting arms beyond use.

:: A third act of putting arms beyond use to be verified under the agreed
scheme.

We shared concepts and draft elements on these matters with others and now,
following an internal consultation, we have closed on a statement which will
be passed onto the two Governments. We stand ready to issue it in due
course.
Signed - P O`Neill.

2003-04-14T13:15:00.000-10:00

IRA clarifies Good Friday statement

The Irish and British governments tonight received clarification from the IRA on its confidential statement regarding its future.

Irish government sources confirmed that the IRA had responded to queries from London and Dublin on three aspects of a statement passed to them on Sunday night by the Provisionals.

The spokesman said: "They have received clarification and they are currently looking at it."

British Prime Minister Tony Blair and Taoiseach Bertie Ahern called off a planned visit to Northern Ireland to unveil proposals for moving the Good Friday Agreement forward until they received clarification from all sides in the peace process.

Their package of proposals designed to create the climate for an historic IRA move ending paramilitary activity covers a range of issues from the scaling down of the army presence in Northern Ireland, policing, justice, equality, human rights, the stability of the political institutions and a scheme for enabling IRA fugitives to return home without being arrested.

On Sunday night, the IRA confirmed that it had drafted a statement which had been passed confidentially to the British and Irish governments dealing with its current position on the peace process, its future, re-engagement of the decommissioning body and a third act of disarmament.

As a frantic round of meetings took place in London, Dublin and Belfast, speculation mounted throughout the day that the IRA was poised to make a significant gesture on weapons decommissioning.

Canadian General John de Chastelain, the head of the decommissioning body, was in Belfast earlier in the day as was US President George Bush's special adviser on Northern Ireland, Richard Haass.

2003-04-14T07:49:00.000-10:00

Sinn Fein remain positive despite setback
Sinn Fein has said the IRA is likely to give "reasonable answers to reasonable questions".

The comments come after the British and Irish governments asked for clarification of a statement by the Provisionals.

Taoiseach Bertie Ahern and British Prime Minister, Tony Blair are delaying new proposals for implementing the Good Friday Agreement until the IRA responds.

Sinn Fein chairman Mitchel McLaughlin is optimistic. "I have seen the problems when people attempt to write or re-write IRA statements. They have made their vision clear, what I take comfort from is that both governments have acknowledged that the IRA's bona fidas in terms of the peace process are genuine and I think on that basis then we can proceed."

2003-04-09T08:28:00.000-10:00

Sectarian assault on Antrim schoolboy
An Phoblacht 3rd April 2003

Paul Turtle, a 15-year-old schoolboy and the child of a mixed marriage,
suffered a broken nose and bruising when he was attacked by crowd of
loyalists as he was walking to St Malachy's School in Antrim Town on Friday
28 March.

The gang shouted sectarian abuse as they assaulted him. Jacqueline Turtle
said her son had been singled out because he had Catholic friends and lived
in the nationalist Rathenraw estate in the town.

"He was going to school when the crowd started beating him and calling him a
Fenian lover," she said. "The doctors at the hospital said his nose was
broken and he has a sore cheekbone where they punched him. He was very lucky
he didn't receive a serious eye injury as his glasses had been smashed."

The schoolboy is very worried about his safety as he spent two days in
hospital last year after he received a death threat from the UVF.
Ironically, the family moved to St Malachy's as a result of sectarian
attacks and abuse elsewhere.

"It's at the stage he is scared to go out on his own and if he is going into
Antrim town centre he wants an adult to go with him," said his mother.

Sinn Féin South Antrim councillor Martin Meehan said Sinn Féin has been
working on the ground for some time now to put an end to these sectarian
attacks. "They have to stop now before it is too late and someone is
killed."

Racists target Ballymena family

A County Antrim family has been targeted in the latest of a series of
racially motivated threats in Ballymena orchestrated by white supremacists.

A leaflet was pinned to the door of the family home saying "this is a white
area, not for blacks". The note was accompanied by a sticker from a racist
group calling itself the White Nationalist Party.

In February, two Filipino nurses had their windows broken and stickers with
the slogan of the British National Party were stuck to their door. The
nurses were targeted for the second time in six months in what was described
as an orchestrated racial attack.

Patrick Yu of the Council for Ethnic Minorities said he was saddened that in
today's society a family should be targeted for the colour of their skin.

Sinn Féin councillor Philip McGuigan said all racially motivated threats
should stop forthwith. "Ballymena is home to a large Chinese community as
well as Filipino nurses who should not have to suffer this abuse coming from
brain dead morons," he said.

The White Nationalist Party has also been behind a campaign to halt the
building of a Mosque in the Bleary area of Craigavon and has posted a
leaflet on its website castigating the proposal, claiming the Mosque could
be become a base for 'Islamic terrorists'.

2003-04-08T07:58:00.000-10:00

Army knows McGuinness didn't fire on Bloody Sunday

The British army has known all along that Martin McGuinness did not open fire on soldiers on Bloody Sunday, it was claimed today.

A former British army intelligence officer said he saw documents which showed the Sinn Fein MP was under surveillance on Bloody Sunday and did not fire a weapon.

The evidence of the ex-soldier, known by the pseudonym "Martin Ingram", contradicts allegations by an IRA informant codenamed "Infliction" who claimed Mr McGuinness told him he fired the first shot on Bloody Sunday.

In a new statement to the Saville Inquiry, it is understood Ingram stands by his assertion that he saw no evidence that Mr McGuinness opened fire on soldiers on Bloody Sunday.

Ingram said he saw intelligence reports that Mr McGuinness was under surveillance but was not seen using a gun on January 30, 1972 when 13 civil rights marchers were shot dead by soldiers in Derry. A 14th man died later.

The former agent, who is due to enter the witness box on May 12, also said he doubted the accuracy of Infliction's allegations against Mr McGuinness.

However, after originally questioning Infliction's existence, Ingram's third statement now accepts it after it was confirmed to him by a senior police officer via a journalist.

The agent has also claimed there was intelligence available to show neither the Official or Provisional IRA intended to indulge in violence on Bloody Sunday.

Mr McGuinness, who has admitted to being the IRA's second-in-command in Derry, has denied he fired any shots on Bloody Sunday.

A special hearing at Methodist Central Hall in London today considered applications from Ingram and Defence Secretary Geoff Hoon for Ingram to give his evidence from behind a screen.

Mr Hoon called on the Saville Inquiry to ensure Ingram was not questioned about any secret intelligence matters and insisted his real name and identity must not be disclosed.

He said Ingram would be an attractive target for republican paramilitaries who would be keen to seize, torture, interrogate and murder him.

Ian Burnett, QC, representing the Ministry of Defence, claimed it would be helpful to take a fourth statement from Mr Ingram and to have questions given to him before he entered the witness box.

"Mr Ingram has thus far made three statements, I think. His second and third statements, it may be thought, represent something of a rowing back from the position that he adopted in his first statement," Mr Burnett added.

David Waters, QC, representing Mr Ingram, agreed that prior notification of the questions to be asked of his client would be helpful.

However, lawyers acting for the families of those killed and injured on Bloody Sunday said this would not be fair and insisted they should be able to question the former agent freely.

Meanwhile, a fresh application from Mr McGuinness to the Saville Inquiry to dismiss any information gained from Infliction was also rejected during today's hearing.

Peter Cush, representing the Sinn Fein MP, said: "It may be cynical but nonetheless not necessarily incorrect to suggest that those organs of the state may well take the view that it would be very nice if the spotlight which has been turned on the soldiers was turned on someone else, ie Mr McGuinness.

"Is it not somewhat fortuitous that at this time this bit of information about Mr McGuinness which apparently has been secret since 1984, somehow falls into the lap of the Inquiry?"

Mr Cush said the "organs of the state" had put every obstacle in the way of Mr McGuinness and the other interested parties in cross-examining the peripheral witnesses.

"We say, in those circumstances, the tribunal, at the very least, should revisit this issue and determine whether or not they should have any regard whatsoever to the material in question," he added.

Lord Saville said he could not accept Mr Cush's application to overturn an earlier ruling which allowed material relating to Infliction to be used by the Inquiry.

"It seems to us that the submissions we have heard are submissions that can, and should, properly be made when all the evidence is available to the inquiry at the end of the day," he added.

Lord Saville said he would give a ruling on Ingram's application for screening and anonymity as "soon as we possibly can".

It is expected it would be delivered next week.

Colonel Derek Wilford, the officer commanding paratroopers on Bloody Sunday, will return to the witness box tomorrow to continue his evidence on the 320th day of the inquiry.

2003-03-25T08:04:00.000-10:00

Gardai faked interrogation, Tribunal told

A key Morris Tribunal witness today told of how two gardai pretended to interrogate her after a steel rocket was found hidden behind a panel under her bath.

Adrienne McGlinchey, 39, said two officers at the centre of corruption claims created a "charade" – banging on the table and shouting out in the interview room to make it look as though they were questioning her.

Despite large amounts of materials being found in her flat the alleged IRA informer told the tribunal she was never formally arrested and was released without charge.

The inquiry into alleged garda corruption in Co Donegal heard last week that Detective Garda Noel McMahon and Garda Superintendent Kevin Lennon blackmailed Ms McGlinchey into grinding up large amounts of fertiliser, which would later feature in "successful" garda finds of terrorist arms hauls.

Today while giving evidence for a third day at the public tribunal, Ms McGlinchey said that her flat was searched a few days after her flatmate's birthday party in March 1994.

Their landlord came to fix a leak in the bathroom and alerted gardai when he found a rocket-like object – which was shown to the tribunal – hidden behind a panel under the bath.

Officers arrived at the flat and found two large cement bags full of fertiliser along with 47 other bags of ground and unground fertiliser and icing sugar on the premises.

Ms McGlinchey said she was at work when the discovery was made and found out about it when Garda Noel McMahon telephoned her.

He then who took her to his house until Superintendent Kevin Lennon arrived, where they told her she was to say nothing if questioned.

"I was to say nothing to nobody," she told the tribunal. "I was to say absolutely nothing."

The blonde 39-year-old said the two men then took her to the flat where gardai were carrying bags of fertiliser out, and upon walking into the flat noticed her friend's birthday cake stuck to the ceiling.

"I remember walking in the door, looking up and seeing Yvonne's birthday cake was stuck to the ceiling," she said, adding: "I remember thinking 'How did that get up there?' ".

Ms McGlinchey said she was then taken to a garda station where Garda McMahon and Superintendent Lennon tried to make it look as though they were questioning her about the raid.

She said they brought her magazines, coke and polo mints and that the three sat around reading until another garda entered the room who "had this look about her".

"Kevin Lennon said he was going to bang on the table and shout something," Ms McGlinchey said.

"It was just a charade," she added. "Then we would just carry on reading the newspapers."

Ms McGlinchey said the officers persuaded her to make complaints about Superintendent Lennon's mannerisms, but said she could not remember what she was told to say.

She claimed that at no point was she formally arrested following the search, and was released without charge.

Ms McGlinchey also told of how the officers made her put a padlock on her bedroom door before the party because they were concerned people would see the large amounts of fertiliser she had been grinding there for Lennon and McMahon.

She said that when she told Mr McMahon she was having a party at the flat he started "going mad" and that a lock was later put on the door.

Ms McGlinchey told of how Superintendent Lennon and Detective Garda McMahon used a garda surveillance van to transport explosives to Rossknowlagh, Co Donegal in 1994.

She said that during the journey the van was stopped at a checkpoint but was allowed to pass through, and remarked that none of the gardai questioned could remember seeing three people pass through the checkpoint the night before an explosives find.

The tribunal was shown an RTE television report on the high-profile discovery, showing piles of sacks containing fertiliser.

Shortly afterwards she told the tribunal: "My brain was screwed with fertiliser."

Ms McGlinchey also said that a warning she gave Noel McMahon's wife Sheenagh "definitely wasn't a threat".

She said that when she warned Mrs McMahon to watch for herself and her children it was because Superintendent Lennon had told her to go down.

She denied that much of her evidence was convoluted due to her "innate sense of mischief".

The Morris Tribunal is investigating allegations of terrorist bomb-making, arson, the mystery death of a cattle dealer and a series of arrests, as well as the garda treatment and alleged harassment of the McBrearty family of Co Donegal.

The tribunal will sit in private for most of tomorrow and will open again to the public on Thursday.

2003-03-25T08:00:00.000-10:00

Bloody Sunday paras 'fired without stopping to aim

Two paratroopers fired shots without aiming as they ran through Derry on Bloody Sunday, a soldier claimed today.

A Coldstream Guard told the Saville Inquiry in London he had a very good view of the nationalist Bogside area on January 30, 1972, the day 13 civil rights marchers were shot dead by soldiers.

A 14th person died later.

Soldier INQ 1351, who was granted anonymity, said he saw the paratroopers enter the Rossville Flats area from his position on an overlooking hill.

"I saw two paras each fire one shot apparently towards the Rossville Flats as they ran," he told the inquiry.

"These soldiers were not firing from the hip but nor were they firing aimed shots. I cannot say exactly what they were firing at."

Under questioning by Cathryn McGahey, counsel to the inquiry, the soldier added: "Both shot when they were running and they did not actually stop to aim or look down their sights, they just fired their weapons."

Meanwhile, a paratrooper also told the inquiry today it was common practice for soldiers to tamper with ammunition at the time of Bloody Sunday.

Soldier INQ 471, who was a private in 1 Para C Company in 1972, said he was also aware of soldiers carrying private supplies of ammunition.

"I was aware there were soldiers who did this and I did it myself," he said.

"There were always ways and means of getting it, mainly off the firing ranges."

He said it was always possible to find empty bullet cases lying around the ranges and hand them in saying you had fired them.

"Ammunition that was issued was not doctored because if unused it would have to be returned, but ammunition that was acquired off the firing range could be, and often was, doctored," he said.

"Nine millimetre bullets were made into dum-dums by filing the flat end so that they would make a bigger impact.

"I never modified rubber bullets but I knew that also happened quite often. A rubber bullet case is about six inches long and you could cut it down by half and put a U2 battery in the bottom to make it go further and hit harder."

Many of the relatives of those killed and injured on Bloody Sunday have insisted their loved ones were struck with doctored bullets.

However, soldier INQ 471 said he had no specific knowledge of doctored bullets or private supplies of bullets being used on Bloody Sunday.

The two witnesses gave their testimony on day 312 of the Saville Inquiry at Methodist Central Hall in London.

The inquiry, which usually sits at the Guildhall in Derry, is currently hearing evidence from military witnesses and others in London because of concerns for their safety.

Colonel Derek Wilford, the commanding officer of the paratroopers in the city on Bloody Sunday, is due to return to the witness box tomorrow morning to give his second day of evidence.

2003-03-22T00:54:00.000-10:00

The Easter Rising

"You cannot conquer Ireland. You cannot extinguish the Irish passion for freedom. If our deed has not been sufficient to win freedom, then our children will win it by a better deed."
-- Patrick Pearse at his court-martial, May 2, 1916

April 24, 1916. Irish poet, scholar, and teacher Patrick Pearse stepped from the GPO into the Dublin afternoon and faced the crowds going about their usual business in busy Sackville Street (now O'Connell St.). With a curious lack of his usual magnetism, reflecting the gravity of the deed he had long devoted himself to and which was now at hand, he read out the Proclamation of the Irish Republic to the onlookers:
"Irishmen and Irishwomen: In the name of God and of the dead generations from which she receives her old tradition of nationhood, Ireland, through us, summons her children to her flag and strikes for her freedom..."
From that moment on Ireland would, in the words of Yeats' memorial poem, be 'changed, changed utterly'.

The day began at Liberty Hall, where the Volunteers gathered under their commanders for the march to the GPO just before noon. It was a ragged and ill-armed band that set out to defy the British occupation of their land. Plans for the Rising had gone awry in a number of ways. Ideological splits between the various nationalist organizations had led to confusion in orders, which drastically thinned the ranks of Volunteers. A German arms landing, arranged by Roger Casement, had been thwarted by bad timing and Casement was captured (he was later hung in an English prison). It was determined that the Rising would take place regardless of the setbacks. There would be no going back.
here were no illusions that the British could be defeated -- the goal had become to strike a resounding blow which would ripple out beyond the Rising, to force the door to freedom open wide enough that it could never quite be closed again. The architects of the Rising, who included James Connolly, Thomas Clarke (a leader of the Irish Republican Brotherhood and veteran of various acts of rebellion and grueling stints in English prisons), Sean Mac Diarmada, Joseph Plunkett, and Pearse's good friend Thomas MacDonagh, among others, fully expected to die in the attempt. A fierce devotion to Ireland's freedom obliterated all concerns for self-preservation. On that April morning, a group of Irish men and women, probably numbering no more than 1,000 at most, set out to face down the formidable might of the British empire to strike a blow for Ireland's freedom.

A force of around 150, led by Pearse, Connolly, and the others, commandeered the GPO and established their General Headquarters there. A young Michael Collins was in attendance as Plunkett's aide-de-camp, and would acquit himself admirably in the coming battle. No time was wasted in preparation for the inevitable British backlash. Windows were duly smashed and fortified and the doors barricaded. Two flags were hoisted over the GPO to replace their British counterparts. One was green with a gold harp in the center and "Irish Republic" spelled out in white and gold Irish lettering. The other was the tricolor which is now the official flag of the Republic. Foraging parties were sent out for food and medical supplies.

Across Dublin the Volunteers dug in at other key locations. St. Stephen's Green was occupied under the command of Michael Mallin and Constance Markiewicz. Eamonn De Valera operated out of Boland's Mill, the Four Courts were occupied by Ned Daly's 1st Battalion, Thomas MacDonagh held Jacob's factory and Eamonn Ceannt the South Dublin Union. Thomas Ashe and Richard Mulcahy had relative success throughout with their 5th Dublin Battalion in Dublin and Meath. An attack was made on Dublin Castle but the rebels withdrew, believing it to be more heavily guarded than it actually was. Rumors were rife that other parts of the country were rising also, but the earlier confusion and countermanding of orders had effectively halted that possibility. Apart from some concentrated rebellion in Wexford and Galway, and a few scattered skirmishes, the rest of Ireland was quiet throughout the week.

The Volunteers did not have long to wait for the first British move. Just after 1 pm a small force on horseback charged down Sackville Street, to be met with fire from the Volunteers. Four of the mounted Lancers were killed and the rest retreated. After this episode, the suspense lay thick as the British still made no show of force on the GPO, though they were tackling the rebel outposts and had driven the St. Stephen's Green forces into the Royal College of Surgeons. By Monday night the Volunteers had effectively set up a fortified defense of the city center. Tuesday brought more of the same, with no real attack on the GHQ area by the British. But by Tuesday night the reinforcements came pouring in and the British troops numbered over 6,500. Heavy artillery had also been brought in, an ominous sign.

Wednesday morning, April 26th, saw the arrival of the British gunboat Helga up the Liffey. The now-empty Liberty Hall was shelled and destroyed. The British now launched a concerted and sustained campaign against the rebels, slowly advancing artillery and infantry, closing in on the GPO. Incendiary bombs were launched from Trinity College into Sackville Street, setting some buildings alight. By Thursday morning the British had set their sights on the rebel headquarters at the GPO. Another 10,000 troops arrived and rifle, machine gun and artillery fire increased. A shell scored a direct hit on the GPO. But a larger concern for the Volunteers was the increasing threat of the flames engulfing many of the buildings around them. Connolly led a contingent out of the building to form an outpost, and received two serious wounds. He made it back to the GPO and spent the few remaining days of his life incapacitated.

By Friday the British were well within range and shelling the building ferociously. The GPO was in flames and the men inside fought desperately against the inferno. Plans were hammered out for evacuation. This was accomplished in stages, with risky runs for outposts through the non-stop hail of bullets. The O'Rahilly led a charge up Moore Street only to be felled along with 20 of his men. Other groups scattered for cover where they could. Connolly and Pearse remained till the last of the Volunteers had evacuated. Then they, too, made their bid to escape the crumbling fiery remains of the GPO, Connolly being borne on a stretcher.
At a shop in Moore Street, Connolly met up with Plunkett, Clarke and Mac Diarmada. Pearse and his brother Willie arrived a short time later. On Saturday the 5 leaders went through anguished conferences, trying to decide the next course of action. News of civilian deaths greatly distressed them (Pearse witnessed a family shot in the street by the British as they emerged from their beleaguered home waving a white flag). It was finally decided that they should end the conflict for the sake of the remaining Volunteers and the citizenry of Dublin. Pearse accordingly sent a message to British Brigadier-General Lowe to open negotiations. Lowe sent back word that they would accept nothing short of unconditional surrender. After another conference, the rebels agreed to this. Pearse walked up Moore Street and met General Lowe to formally surrender. Messages were gotten out to the remaining rebel outposts. De Valera, who had held his area in a Herculean effort, was the last to surrender. The Rising had ended, 6 days after it began.

The leaders of the Rising were picked out for court-martial. There was no doubt as to the outcome: execution by firing squad. Pearse and others were transferred to death cells in Kilmainham Gaol (the president of the courts-martial was deeply distressed at having to condemn Pearse. He remarked to an acquaintance that "I have just had to condemn to death one of the finest characters I have ever come across"). Pearse was executed at 3:30 am on May 3rd in the stonebreaking yard at Kilmainham, as were Thomas Clarke and Thomas MacDonagh. The bodies were thrown into a pit of quicklime. May 4th brought the executions of Willie Pearse, Ned Daly, Plunkett, and Michael O'Hanrahan, who had fought in Jacob's. John MacBride, married to Maud Gonne (Yeats' love) was executed the following day. On May 8th, Eamonn Ceannt, Con Colbert, Michael Mallin and Sean Heuston were shot. May 9th saw the execution of Thomas Kent, who had fought in Cork. On May 12th, Sean Mac Diarmada and James Connolly were executed -- Connolly having to be propped up in a chair to face the firing squad due to the severity of his injuries. It was the last straw. Irish opinion, at first hostile to the rebels, then changing as they witnessed British savagery, now swung vehemently in their favor.

"All changed, changed utterly:
A terrible beauty is born."

The men and women of 1916 had cast the die. The door to freedom was open and could never be completely closed again.

2003-03-22T00:53:00.000-10:00

Interview with Bernadette Devlin McAliskey

On February 21, Bernadette McAliskey was barred from entering the United
States. Here she speaks with Breandán Morley about what happened.
Breandán Morley

McAliskey: I was going to New York on holidays. I went through Dublin
airport as usual. I filled in my visa waiver form, which I am entitled to
do, I presented it and was processed through Immigration without any
difficulty. I arrived in Chicago and Immigration informed me there that on
foot of a fax received while I was in the air from Dublin, to the effect
that a passenger, Bernadette McAliskey, was on the flight, was ineligible
for entry, should be apprehended and returned.

They were very very jumpy. They were clearly under the impression that I
had evaded Immigration in some way, that I had fraudulently filled out a
form in some way and that I was a threat to the security of the United
States of America.

I attempted to explain to them that I was in fact eligible for entry, had
not fraudulently filled out any forms and was not a threat to anybody's
security.

I was informed that I had no rights, that in fact nobody who is not a
United States citizen any longer has any rights in America since Al-Qaeda,
that what I had was a number of choices. My choice was to sit there quietly
until they arranged a flight and put me back on it and to say nothing and
to speak to nobody.

I said "No, I have rights here. I would like to contact somebody from the
embassy. I would like to contact a lawyer. I have no intention of going
back just because you tell me I have to go back."

They at that point said that if I insisted that I had rights where I had
none, they would show me what rights I had. I would be handcuffed and
imprisoned until such time as they arranged a flight back to Ireland.

In the midst of that one of the guys then said to me, who was the
subordinate, he took me aside and he said "Do not anger my boss. Please do
not make him angry, do not speak about rights, you don't have any. Don't
contradict him. Last week he fired a shot over the head of a Russian
gentleman."

I don't know whether he did or not, but that's what the guy told me "Don't
anger him. You have no rights, he has power. He also has a revolver. Last
week he fired it. Please, don't make this situation worse."

Then I was told that I would be photographed, questioned and fingerprinted
and I said "No. I won't."

Again the guy said to me "Mam, when are you going to understand this? You
do not have any rights,you have choices. Your choice is to voluntarily be
fingerprinted and photographed, to be fingerprinted and photographed under
duress or to be forcibly fingerprinted and photographed. Those are your
choices. Then you will be going back to Ireland."

All through this I am trying to say to them "Look, let me see this fax.
What is the authority of this fax?"

I got no information on that.

At the very end of two very disturbing hours, because this was happening to
Mrs Citizen, not to Mrs Political Activist, this was happening to a person
and these are the jumpiest people I have ever seen, these people are so
scared. All the time I knew and had that feeling that had I been young and
male in this situation I would have been very vulnerable to physical
violence. These people could and would have given me a good kicking.

Morley: It was purely a personal visit, wasn't it? You weren't planning on
addressing any political meetings at all while you were over there?

McAliskey: No, no. Nor was that even an issue, because they didn't know I
was me. It's very important that that point is understood. This wasn't
about me, this wasn't about me being against the war in Iraq, this wasn't
about me and my history in Northern Ireland. They didn't know who I was.
Only at the very end, when I am sitting ten minutes off the flight, the
guy came back to me and he said "I have got your whole profile. I can see
why you are angry. There is nothing in your profile that says you are
ineligible for the United States. You are quite clearly not a threat to the
United States."

At that point I said to him "OK, then why am I going back to Ireland. Can
you not now recognise that and let me get on with my journey?"

He said "No. We have a fax from Immigration in Ireland that says that you
are a person that basically is a threat to the United States."

So on the basis of, I don't know where the fax came from, I don't know what
possessed somebody at the Immigration in Dublin to send the fax, but simply
on the basis of a two- or three-line fax any person leaving Ireland and
going to America at this time can be subjected to that kind of treatment.

Morley: Is this the first time that you have been denied entry to the USA?

McAliskey: Yes. And it had nothing to do with me being me, nothing to do
with my actions, my history. It had to do with how jumpy and scared and
unnerved and irrational the Americans are at this time.

Morley: Where do you intend to take it from here? Are you going to appeal
the decision?

McAliskey: Well, there's not much point, it's not about my appealing that
decision, because that's not the issue. The issue really is about basic
human rights, about freedom of movement and freedom of expression and
freedom of personal security. The real issue is that as a citizen of
Ireland, information coming from Ireland removed those rights from me and I
am not sure if the American citizen who took that action is amenable to the
law in Ireland.
That would be the bit that to me is important, is whether that bit of
Dublin that American Immigration controls, if a person behaves wrongly,
which that person did, if a person, just because they take a notion of
doing it, can actually restrict my rights, I must have some right under the
Irish Constitution to know who did that, why they did it and what remedy I
have. So I will be writing to Department of Foreign Affairs, but my
suspicion is that we have leased that portion to America and that we have
no protection of our rights against American Immigration at Dublin Airport.

Morley: I rang the American Embassy this morning and there was just a
blanket refusal to discuss the case at all.

McAliskey: Well we will see if they refuse to discuss it in the High Court.

2003-03-15T09:08:00.000-10:00

Protesters want observer at Colombia Three trial

Ministers were today urged to "stand up for Irish rights" by sending a legal observer to the Colombian trial of three Irish men accused of training left-wing rebels.

The demand came as 200 people attended a rally outside the foreign affairs department to protest against the treatment of Jim Monaghan, Martin McCauley and Nall Connolly.

Paul Hill of the Guildford Four and members of the Dail also took part in the demonstration this afternoon.

Caitriona Ruane, spokeswoman for the Bring Them Home Campaign, called the trial in the Colombian capital Bogota a "farce", and said the Irish government should intervene immediately.

"We've been campaigning for the last 19 months since the men were arrested," Ms Ruane said. "I have been over there 10 times since, visiting them and working on their legal case."

She said that over the past six months there had been just three days of proceedings at the court.

"It has been a farce from start to finish," she said. "The Colombian state are fabricating a case against these men, it's obvious to everyone.

"What we're asking the Irish Government to do is stand up for Irish rights. These are three Irish men and the Irish government have not made one single public statement on this case."

Ms Ruane said the campaigners had asked for a legal observer to be sent over but that the Government had not listened.

"They know that if they send over a legal observer they will realise this trial is a farce," she added.

Mr Hill said he spent 13 years in jail before he was visited by any representative of the Irish Government.

"It's imperative that they send a legal observer," Mr Hill said. "They need an observer, we're not asking for much more than that.

"I think that the government have got to take notice, but all we can do is make our voice heard and that's what we're doing here today."

Monaghan, 56, McCauley, 40, and Connolly, 36, have all been charged with training the FARC guerrillas in bomb-making techniques, as well as with using false passports, and face up to 20 years in jail if convicted.

Their trial is due to resume on April 8.

2003-03-11T17:02:00.000-10:00

Woman escapes house attack

By Kim Kelly

Belfast telegraph 11th march 2003.

A YOUNG woman has narrowly escaped death when her home was targeted in a
sectarian attack on the Ballysally estate in Coleraine.

The 22-year-old woman had to jump from a downstairs window after her flat at
Elm's Park was set alight by flammable liquid at around 10.30pm yesterday.

The woman heard the front door of her house being kicked down and a short
time later smelt smoke coming from the hall.

She got out of bed, discovered the fire and raised the alarm before escaping
through her bedroom window.

The girl was too distressed to talk about her ordeal today but a close
family member at the scene said she was an "innocent victim who had been
targeted for no good reason."

Police say that the fire was started maliciously and are appealing for
witnesses. PSNI Inspector Milne Rowntree described the incident as
"despicable" and said the young woman was lucky to be alive.

2003-03-11T17:01:00.000-10:00

Sectarian attacks escalate in Antrim

March 6th 2003 an phoblacht

A Catholic family of four was attacked by a gang of known UDA men in the
Castle shopping centre in the middle Antrim Town at around 2.30pm on
Saturday 1 March, in what Sinn Fein councillor Martin Meehan described as a
"brutal" incident.

The father of the family told An Phoblacht that he was shopping in the
Castle shopping centre with his wife and two children, the youngest aged 20
months, when they were followed by a group of loyalists wearing Glasgow
Rangers football shirts and scarfs.

"It was very scary, the loyalists kept shouting at us that Taigs were not
allowed in Antrim Town. I tried to ignore them, but they started scuffling
with other Catholics shoppers." A number of people, including a second man
and his family, were followed outside the shopping centre by the loyalist
gang and attacked. During the incident, the loyalists shouted sectarian
abuse.

The man received a split lip during the disturbances, while a young boy had
his hand broken when loyalists set upon him in the car park. Two other
teenagers received cuts and bruises.

An eyewitness said the loyalists "were grown men, not teenagers or youths".
According to other witnesses, the PSNI arrived and threatened Catholic
shoppers with arrest if they did not move on.

"The PSNI are a joke because at one stage one of the gang was shouting out
that he was a member of the UDA yet the PSNI threatened us with arrest and
ignored what the loyalists were doing," said one of the eyewitnesses.

On Tuesday 4 March, a grandmother, her daughter and baby granddaughter were
threatened by a gang of around six loyalists as she tried to collect her
pension at the Post Office in the Castle Centre.

"They shouted that we were warned on Saturday not to come back to the Centre
and we were not allowed in Antrim town and should not come back," she said.
"I reported this incident to the Centre manager, who told me she will report
it to the PSNI, but as yet it has not been reported to anyone.

"Everyone knows the UDA are behind these attacks, the PSNI know who they
are, I am sure there are many shoppers in Antrim town asking how these UDA
thugs can continue in these sectarian attacks unhindered by the PSNI."

Sinn Féin South Antrim councillor Martin Meehan says he has received
numerous complaints from people in Antrim who say they have been attacked by
members of the UDA. He has called for the footage of the CCTV cameras to be
made public and for those responsible to be held accountable.

Meehan added that hundreds of Catholic families have fled Antrim to escape
the escalating campaign of loyalists attacks since the signing of the Good
Friday Agreement.

In the last two years, there have been six sectarian killings in the South
Antrim area.

In the five-year period since April 1998, a total of 189 households have
received intimidation status for rehousing across the Antrim district.

In the three-year period from April 1999 to April 2002, a total of 45
applications have been made by homeowners under the Housing Executive's
Special Purchase of Evacuated Dwellings, (SPED) scheme.

Sinn Féin says nearly 70 families have been intimidated out of the Stiles
and Steeples estates by threats and attacks orchestrated by the UDA.

In October last a delegation headed by Martin Meehan, presented a dossier
detailing unionist paramilitary violence in the South Antrim area to NIO
Security Minister Jane Kennedy.

In the past week, sectarian thugs targeted a Catholic church at Aldergrove
near Belfast's International airport. St James's church was daubed with the
words "Taigs Beware". The church was burnt down in the past by unionist
paramilitaries. Orange Volunteer graffiti was also daubed on signs welcoming
visitors to the mainly Catholic village of Crumlin in County Antrim.

2003-03-09T08:02:00.000-10:00

Adams hits out at Irish support for sanctions

Sinn Fein leader Gerry Adams hit out again today at Government backing for plans to impose sanctions on parties that contravene the Good Friday agreement.

Speaking in the face of an overnight defence of Dublin's position by Taoiseach Bertie Ahern, Mr Adams also criticised moves to delay elections for a new Northern Ireland assembly.

He declared: "It is unacceptable that the British government have unilaterally suspended political institutions at the behest of (Ulster) unionism on four occasions.

"It is unacceptable that they have now postponed the elections at the behest of unionism.

"And it is unacceptable that they are now attempting to make the entire agreement subject to sanctions demanded by unionism.

"This is not just bad for democracy – it is putting in jeopardy much of the work that we have achieved in recent weeks and months.

"And this should be reflected upon by those parties who have for whatever reason supported the sanctions position or acquiesced to it."

Mr Adams made his comments at a Sinn Fein meeting in Dublin.

They followed Mr Ahern's assertion that there would be no need to resort to non-compliance regulations if there was a permanent end to paramilitary activity.

The Taoiseach said proposals due to be advanced next month by the Irish and British Governments had to take account of the sensitivities and concerns of all parties, and also stressed the need for the plans to also provide appropriate assurance mechanisms for handling problems in the future.

Mr Adams' remarks also followed a Dublin meeting of Sinn Fein's policy-directing Ard Comhairle national executive, when the current state of negotiations to put the Northern Ireland peace process back on track were assessed.

He reported that while substantial progress has been made on a range of issues, "substantive gaps" remained.

But he added "Discussions are continuing with the two governments and the other parties in a sustained effort to close these gaps. This is very much work in progress.

"In the tactical thrust of negotiations, it is crucial to actually remember what all of this is about and what we are trying to achieve – ending conflict and division on this island and building a new Ireland which is inclusive of all."

He listed as areas where progress had been made: new legislation on Policing and Criminal Justice, demilitarisation, equality, human rights and Irish language rights.

Mr Adams said his negotiators would continue to meet the Ulster Unionist Party of former Northern Ireland First Minister David Trimble to try to resolve issues.

He said "This is not a time to become spectators. It is a time to build alliances and forge new relationships."

2003-03-07T15:42:00.000-10:00

Victims Minister tells anguished Derry families:

‘Don’t Bother Me Again

By Paddy McGuffin, Derry News

The families of two Derry children, shot dead by the British army, last night called on Victims Minister Des Browne to resign, after he told them he was only writing to them out of “good will” and would not be investigating the deaths.

In letters sent out last Friday to the families of Stephen McConomy (11) and Daniel Hegarty (15), Mr Browne claimed the RUC had already answered the relatives’ concerns in detail – despite the fact that no-one was ever prosecuted for either killing.

In each letter, Mr Browne gives a brief summary of the killing. He then ends both dispatches with the same sign-off.

He states: “I do not believe any of the information supplied here is new to you, nonetheless I hope its provision is seen by you as an act of good will.

“The information represents the last substantive response this office is expecting to make in relation to the details of your case.”

Primary school pupil Stephen McConomy was shot in the head with a plastic bullet gun by a member of the Royal Anglians, on Fahan Street in April 1982. He died a short time later.

Daniel Hegarty was shot twice in the head by a member of the Royal Scots Regiment in Creggan Heights during Operation Motorman on 31 July1972. His family argue that no proper investigation was ever conducted into the killing. The soldiers involved, known only as ‘A’ and ‘B’ were never prosecuted.

Mr Browne’s response to the two families is all the more surprising in light of the High Court judgment in the case of Kathleen Thompson last week, when judges ruled that despite assurances to the contrary, there had been no proper investigation into the killing of the Derry Woman by the British Army in similarly disputed circumstances

Disgusted

Last night the sister of Daniel Hegarty - Margaret Brady, and the aunt of Stephen McConomy - Rhona Toland, told the Derry News that they were disgusted by the reaction of the Victims Minister to their demand for a full investigation.

Mrs Brady said: “I think he should resign, he is definitely not the Minister for Victims. He is not worthy of the title and should hang his head in shame.

“If Browne is the Minister for Victims, let all victims be treated equally. He cannot keep covering up for the soldiers. We feel that Daniel has been on trial here, in Northern Ireland you seem to be guilty until proven innocent but we will not rest until the truth is out there.”

While Mrs Toland said the letter that her family had received was almost identical to that received by the Hegarty family, she challenged its contents.

She said: “The letter said that a full investigation had been carried out by the police. Well if that is the case we want to see the files.

“The tone of his letter was deeply patronizing, he said he was writing out of good will, what does good will have to do with it?

“My sister and her two boys have the right to know what happened to Stephen. Des Browne is saying to us, ‘I’ve seen the evidence, take my word for it’. If he has any decency he would resign.

“The letter refers to Stephen as ‘Mr McConomy’ - he was only 11 years old.”

Children’s rights activist

Des Browne lists his interests on the House of Commons website as legal affairs and human rights; he was at one time a member of the Scottish Council for Civil Liberties (now the Scottish Human Rights Center) and the Children’s Rights Group.

A number of Derry Families now intend to contact these organizations to alert them to the replies he has given in relation to what a spokesperson described as “the most egregious abuse of children’s rights, the right to life.”

‘No comment’

The Derry News contacted the NIO and were told that both cases had been investigated by the RUC and that the decision not to prosecute in either case lay with the DPP. No comment was forthcoming in regard to the call for the Minister’s resignation.

At time of press the DPP were unavailable for comment.

The Hegarty and McConomy families are two of fourteen who are demanding that the case files regarding the deaths of their loved ones be opened to the public.

The ‘Open The Files’ campaign was initiated in Derry and Donegal but has gathered momentum and the families have addressed meetings across Northern Ireland inviting anyone who has suffered a similar loss to join the campaign.

The campaign has been championed by the Pat Finucane Centre in Derry.

Plastic bullet victim's mother slams minister, Derry Journal 7/3/03

'Where is his compassion'

THE VICTIM of Derry plastic bullet victim 15-year-old Paul Whitters has slammed the Victims Minister Des Browne for what she claimed is his 'lack of compassion'.

Mrs. Helen Whitters was speaking after she received a letter from the Minister about her son's death.Paul Whitters died after being struck by a plastic bullet on April 15 1981 during rioting in the William Street, Great James Street area.

Mrs. Whiitters said: "I was disgusted when I received this letter as it showed a complete lack of compassion over my son's death.

"From this letter it appears he was not prepared to look into my son's death in any way at all. "She went on: "To add insult to injury he couldn't even get his facts right about when Paul died. In one letter he spoke about my son being killed at 8.30 in the evening
which was correct but in another letter he talked of Paul being killed at 4.30. This shows how much attention he has given to Paul's case."

Mrs. Whitters continued: "This man is supposed to be the victims minister and you would think he would show some compassion for my son who was avictim. There was absolutely nothing new in his letter and as a mother I think I am entitled to know how my son died and, much more importantly, why he was killed. It shouldn't matter how long ago my son died, to me time does not matter
and I would have appreciated some answers from the minister."

The Derry based human rights group, the Pat Finucane Centre, also accused the minister of not being completely accurate in his account to Mrs. Whitters. A spokesman for the group said: "This letter is riddled with inaccuracies and it shows how little time has been devoted to looking into this case. The minister claims that a warning was shouted before the plastic bullet was fired but this did not happen, the minister repeats the RUC claim that the plastic bullet was fired at the lower part of Paul's body but this is
patently not true and indeed even the distances quoted by the Minister are not accurate. More importantly the minister repeats the line that 'a full police investigation' was carried out and this is obviously not true. We are aware that some eyewitnesses to Paul's death were not even interviewed so how could a full investigation been carried out?"

Irish News 06/03/03

Seamus McKinney

The families of two Derry children killed by British soldiers have called on Victims’ Minister Des Browne to resign. The families of Daniel Hegarty (15), killed on the morning of Operation Motorman in 1972, and Stephen McConomy (11), killed by a plastic bullet in 1982, have also revealed that they intend seeking judicial reviews of the way in which the two victim’s deaths were investigated.

Their decision follows a ruling at the High Court in Belfast last week in which a judicial review of the investigation into the 1971 death of another Derry victim. Kathleen Thompson, was granted.

Daniel Hegarty was shot dead by a British soldier early on the morning of July 31 972 as thousands of troops spilled into Derry’s Creggan no-go area. Two cousins who were with him were not arrested despite an assertion at Daniel’s inquest from the soldier responsible that he believed the teenager had been carrying a gun.

In April 1982 Stephen McConomy died after he was struck by a plastic bullet on the back of the head. While some children were throwing stones at soldiers in a ‘Pig’ shortly before he was shot, at the time Stephen had his back to his killer and was walking away.

Through human rights group the Pat Finucane Centre, the families of the victims have sought to have all files on the cases revealed. They also want those responsible to answer for the deaths while the Hegarty family want the British government to state categorically that Daniel was not a gunman.

But the two families claim that a letter – with almost identical wording – from victims’ minister Des Browne lacked compassion or knowledge of the killings.

Claiming that a full police investigation had been carried out, Mr Browne told both families: "The information represents the last substantive response this office is expecting to make in relation to the details of your case."

Denouncing the minister, Daniel Hegarty’s sister Margaret Brady said his response showed arrogance and a lack of compassion.

She said her family now intended taking Daniel’s quest for justice to the European Court if necessary.

"Des Browne should resign and let someone take over who will look at those killed by the state" she said.

Stephen McConomy’s aunt, Rhona Toland, said everything about Mr Browne’s handling of her nephew’s case was offensive

She said the minister referred to Stephen as "Mr McConomy" despite the fact that he was only 11 years old and he also talked about writing to the family as an act of goodwill.

"The best act of goodwill he could make would be to resign," she said.

Pledging to seek a judicial review of Stephen’s case she said her family believed the fatal plastic bullet had been fired illegally.

A spokeswoman for Mr Browne said last night that she was unable to reach the people necessary to provide a response to the claims.

General Mike Jackson

It was reported today that "the UK's most senior soldier General Sir Mike Jackson" has said that British troops in the Gulf are now ready for war with Iraq. This is the same Mike Jackson who was present in Derry on Bloody Sunday as a captain/adjutant in the Paras, and was the most senior military officer who sat on the Army Board that decided that Scots Guards Mark Wright and James Fisher, convicted of the murder of Belfast teenager Peter McBride, were fit to continue their service in the British army. The regiment that Wright and Fisher are now with is also believed to be in the Gulf.

2003-03-06T17:04:00.000-10:00

Feds Say Activist's Visa Was Expired

Devlin McAliskey's Deportation Explained

Washington - Well-known Irish activist and former British
Parliament member Bernadette Devlin McAliskey was denied entry into
the United States on Friday, because the visa waiver permitting her
visits here had expired, a U.S. immigration official said
yesterday.

Officials of the Justice Department, INS and State Department
yesterday declined to comment publicly on the barring of McAliskey,
but an INS official who requested anonymity said, "Ms. McAliskey
was returned based on an expired visa waiver."

The waiver had permitted McAliskey to visit the United States even
though the government had at one time determined she was not
eligible for a visa permitting her to come here, the official said.
The official said he could not elaborate on that brief statement.

In 1983, the State Department said it had banned her from entering
the country because she was coming here to raise money for a
convicted member of the political wing of the Irish Nationalist
Liberation Army.

Over the weekend, McAliskey, 55, told Newsday columnist Jimmy
Breslin that U.S. Immigration and Naturalization Service officials
detained her temporarily when she arrived at Chicago's O'Hare
International Airport around 5:30 p.m. Two hours later, she said,
the officials put her on an Aer Lingus flight back to Dublin.

McAliskey said she had been turned away because she had served time
in prison in the United Kingdom and was deemed by U.S. officials as
a "potential or real threat" to the national security of the United
States.

McAliskey remains politically active, speaking to Palestinian
solidarity groups and condemning the U.S and British bombing of
Afghanistan, according to British newspapers.

Her daughter, Deirdre, was allowed to continue her journey in this
country to New York, Breslin reported yesterday. Her other
daughter, Roisin, is accused in a bombing in Germany.

Jeanne Butterfield, executive director of the American Immigration
Lawyers Association, said Attorney General John Ashcroft has the
authority to ban entry of anyone he deems to be a threat to this
country's security.

But Butterfield said she was appalled by the action.

"It would not surprise me if they had caught some Arab or Muslim
political figure and kept him out," said Butterfield, given the
high alert level and political climate.

"But to stop people who may have been sympathetic to the IRA, it's
frightening to me. It's chilling," Butterfield said. "It suggests
the noose is tightening on all of us."

McAliskey, better known as Bernadette Devlin, became world famous
in 1969 when at the age of 21 she was elected a member of
Parliament following her work as a firebrand activist for Irish
civil rights and unification.

In 1970, McAliskey was convicted of inciting a riot after she was
arrested during the Londonderry riot known as the "Battle of the
Bogside" in August 1969. She served a few months in prison while
still in Parliament.

She also captured the world's attention in 1972 when she physically
attacked the British home secretary after "Bloody Sunday" in which
British soldiers killed 13 Catholic demonstrators during a protest
in Londonderry. She and her husband were nearly killed in a 1981
Protestant paramilitary ambush at their home - she was shot nine
times, but survived.

2003-03-04T07:48:00.000-10:00

Ahern and Blair step up talks to restore North's power-sharing executive

TAOISEACH Bertie Ahern and British Prime Minister Tony Blair's latest bid to restore devolution and secure the Provisionals' disarmament will intensify today during the second day of crucial talks at Hillsborough Castle, which could result in the restoration of the North's power-sharing executive. Though all sides reported progress as the talks broke up last night, Sinn Féin was said to be resisting unionist demands for harsh punishments against further ceasefire breaches.

The talks will resume early today and unionist leader David Trimble is expected to reiterate that the IRA's commitment to ending its military campaign has to be monitored. "The question of verification and sanctions is a deal breaker. There will not be any progress without it," he said.

As frantic efforts were stepped up yesterday at Hillsborough Castle, Co Down, Mr Trimble met Sinn Féin president Gerry Adams in a bid to broker agreement.

As the talks continued until 9pm, one strand emerging involved the proposed formation of an independent monitoring body, made up of representatives from the British, Irish and US governments, to rule on paramilitary activity.

Sources close to the talks confirmed this issue was one of the main stumbling blocks. "It's a major bone of contention," one aide said.

But senior Sinn Féin negotiator Gerry Kelly insisted: "There is no way we will accept sanctions."

The Taoiseach and Tony Blair travelled to Northern Ireland with a blueprint package they hoped would break the deadlocked political process.

They tabled a 28-page document of proposals aimed at rescuing the Good Friday Agreement. The package, split into five sections, set out all the outstanding issues threatening the peace process.

Mr Blair's official spokesman said "it's a work in progress, not a finished product".

The power-sharing assembly has been suspended since allegations were made of a suspected IRA spy-ring at Stormont last October, which left unionists bitterly opposed to going back into government with Sinn Féin.

Amid increasing speculation that a huge move to empty its secret arms dumps could be imminent, veteran republican and former IRA chief of staff Joe Cahill arrived at the talks.

Sinn Féin sought to play down the significance of his presence, but Government sources claimed it was an important development.

However, before the IRA agrees to effectively go out of business by agreeing to halt recruitment, purchasing guns and gathering intelligence, it wants confirmation from Mr Blair about a new programme of demilitarisation.

Sinn Féin kingpins Gerry Adams and Martin McGuinness sought promises that thousands of troops would be pulled out of the North, along with the dismantling of army watchtowers in republican areas.

Calls for policing and criminal justice to be devolved to the Stormont Assembly, a pledge to allow on-the-run paramilitary prisoners to return and moves on equality and human rights were also among the main Sinn Féin demands.

Chairman Mitchel McLaughlin said: "Today's talks are critical to the future of this island. That means acts of completion by the British Government that will convince Republicans and nationalists that a plan is in place to see the full implementation of the Good Friday Agreement."

via

2003-03-03T19:38:00.000-10:00

IRA fugitives seek freedom as part of deal

Up to 30 IRA fugitives could be allowed to return to Northern Ireland with a guarantee of freedom under a new deal hammered out between the British government and republican leaders.

Sinn Fein has been pressing hard for the on-the-runs to come home as part any agreement to restore devolution.

Republicans claim the issue has remained an anomaly with paramilitary prisoners already freed under the Good Friday Agreement.

But outraged unionists insist no amnesty should be granted and pledged to mount a campaign to thwart the plans.

Among top republicans bidding to return to the jurisdiction are Rita O'Hare, Sinn Fein's publicity chief in the United States.

O'Hare has been wanted for questioning about a shooting in Belfast more than 30 years ago.

Hunger striker Bobby Sands' election agent Owen Carron is another set to benefit under the plans.

Carron, who succeeded Sands as the MP for Fermanagh and South Tyrone after his death, jumped bail while facing gun charges.

Under the proposals, all paramilitary fugitives would face a form of judicial commission, but would escape being thrown back in prison.

They would be released on licence, similar to the terrorists freed after the Good Friday Agreement was signed in 1998.

However, Reg Empey, one of the senior Ulster Unionist negotiators at the talks at Hillsborough Castle, Co Down, insisted the two were completely separate.

He said: "The issue of on-the-runs is outside the Belfast Agreement.

"It is something that has been the discussion of both Sinn Fein and the British government for some time now.

"The reason we are here today is to deal with the end of private armies."

Party sources claimed any amnesty could not be stomached.

One said: "It will be opposed be us at Westminster and the (British) government will have serious problems getting it through the Lords."

Sinn Fein tried to play down the issue's significance, but insisted the British government had to deliver this time.

A senior republican source said: "It's an emotive issue, but it's not a big deal. We are only talking about 30 people.

"It was never expected to be an amnesty. All we need is a mechanism to deal with the issue, and I think we have that.

"But we have been told that before, after the Weston Park talks."

2003-03-02T06:00:00.000-10:00

IRA reportedly preparing for a 'significant gesture

The IRA leadership may be preparing rank and file members for a significant
gesture which could allow the British government to restore devolution in
Northern Ireland.

According to newspaper reports this morning, the IRA's seven member Army
Council has the support of hard-line rank and file members to stand down
part of the republican movement. The South Armagh Brigade of the IRA is
understood to be supporting the move.

Ulster Unionist leader David Trimble said at his party's annual general
meeting yesterday that the Northern institutions cannot be restored unless
republicans declare the war is over.

The Northern parties are scheduled to meet to begin talks at Hillsborough
Castle tomorrow and there is intense pressure on republicans to make some
declaration this week, to facilitate devolution.

2003-03-02T05:59:00.000-10:00

Angry Ulster mum sickened at Gregg name on ceasefire

THE naming of the UDA ceasefire after murdered south-east Antrim brigadier
John 'Grug' Gregg has been branded "sickening" by the mother of one of the
terror gang's victims.

Marie Moore, whose son, Gary, was gunned down two years ago, was disgusted
the ceasefire was called the 'Gregg Initiative'.

Said Mrs Moore: "I'm glad to see the ceasefire, but why put John Gregg's
name on it?

"It's sickening to call it the Gregg Initiative, when he was a ruthless
terrorist.

"Why put his name on something to do with peace?"

Mr Moore, 30, was killed on a building site in Monkstown, Co Antrim in
December 2000.

The father-of-two from Dungiven, was murdered in retaliation for the
renegade republican shooting of taxi-driver Trevor Kell.

Mrs Moore said she will never forgive those responsible, for killing her
son.

She added: "Gary was completely innocent. He was down on his knees, wiping a
step, when they came up behind and pumped four bullets into him.

"They were supposed to be on ceasefire, then, as well.

"John Gregg and all the rest of them should have been in jail. Why wasn't
he?

"Everyone goes on about Johnny Adair, but they're all as bad as each other."

At the time of Gary's death, his children were just eight and
five-years-old.

Mrs Moore said her family has changed dramatically since her son's murder.

"My family have gone through a terrible time, and still are. Our whole
family has changed since Gary's murder.

"His wee girl still misses her daddy. It would be good if no other family
has to suffer like us in the future."

2003-02-28T08:43:00.000-10:00

Tense weekend ahead of Ulster talks

Sinn Fein will not accept any sanctions as part of a deal to restore the power-sharing executive in Belfast, party president Gerry Adams warned tonight.

"Under no circumstances will we accept the rights of our electorate being diluted or denied," he said.

Mr Adams was in London earlier today for talks with British and Irish officials in advance of Monday's make or break bid by British Prime Minister Tony Blair to hammer out a once and for all settlement with the pro-Agreement parties.

Intensive behind the scenes discussions will continue until the arrival at Hillsborough of Mr Blair and Taoiseach Bertie Ahern.

It is understood there has some progress in relation to new legislation on policing and criminal justice, but other key areas including the scaling down of the military presence, human rights and equality have still to be sorted out.

Ulster Unionist leader David Trimble is expected to have a tense annual meeting of his party in Belfast tomorrow, amid warnings by hardline opponents there must be no agreement with the republican leadership, no matter what.

Unionists are pushing Mr Blair to establish an independent monitoring body with powers to introduce sanctions against Sinn Fein if the IRA fail to stick by their ceasefire.

But this is being fiercely resisted by Mr Adams.

Before returning to Belfast tonight he added: "We will not be held accountable except for the Sinn Fein party and our mandate. Any move to introduce sanctions would be entirely outside the Agreement."

With London and Dublin demanding the Provisionals empty ALL secret arms dumps and declare their campaign over, any major movement by the IRA leadership may still not be enough to satisfy hardliners inside Mr Trimble's Ulster Unionists.

After being warned by police today that the IRA was gathering intelligence on him, south Antrim MP David Burnside said: "This scum is not fit to be in government. They are not politicians. They are not democrats."

With the next election to the Stormont Assembly due on May 1, time is running out and even though progress was reported in London tonight, all sides admit the chances of agreement on Monday remain at less than 50-50.

Mr Trimble must resist British and Irish pressure to return to Stormont, according to Mr Burnside.

The south Antrim MP said he was warned by police today that the Provisionals had been gathering intelligence on him. Party colleague Jeffrey Donaldson and Ian Paisley Jnr, a member of the Northern Ireland Assembly, have also been told to review their personal security arrangements.

Mr Burnside said: "Blair is wasting his time. There is no way Unionists should consider any sort of deal with Sinn Fein, irrespective of their commitments.

"The IRA intelligence on me was current and up-to-date.

"There will be no deal because their word is a lie. Blair may be conned, but Unionists will not. Blair is acting tough on Iraq, but he is being suckered by the IRA and Sinn Fein.

"His double standards are amazing."

Meanwhile the Sinn Fein chairman Mitchel McLaughlin said he believed there was little chance of a breakthrough.

In Dublin he said: "It is my view that as we face into the situation, as we are aware of the detail of what's being offered, there is actually very little likelihood of a breakthrough for Hillsborough on Monday."

He added: "For a long time now the British government have been explaining away their failure to demilitarise on the basis of this alleged threat from dissident republicans," he said.

"And yet they are briefing you people on an ongoing basis that suddenly, magically, all this could be done on Monday.

"So clearly they are telling lies.

"Up to now the dilemma for us is: will they continue to tell lies on that issue and will this caveat re-emerge should there be any attempt to put together a package on policing?"

Mr McLaughlin said the Government was still far away from honouring its commitments.

"We are still a long way from being satisfied that the British Government are bringing forward amendments to the existing policing legislation that will deliver on Patten," he said.

"And clearly, unless and until that is achieved Sinn Fein will not be in a position to advocate that nationalists and republicans should give allegiance and authority to those policing arrangements."

He said Sinn Fein had already given its bottom line, which was full implementation of the Good Friday Agreement.

"The disingenuous argument that the two governments don't know precisely and absolutely what Sinn Fein requires oesn't stand up to any examination whatsoever," he added.

"We have told them what we require, they haven't delivered it yet."

2003-02-28T08:31:00.000-10:00

Family win judicial review / Judge slams murder investigation

A High Court judge in Belfast ruled today in favour of the family of murdered Derry woman Kathleen Thompson, finding that no effective investigation was held into her murder. Kathleen Thompson was shot dead by British soldiers in the Creggan Estate in Derry in the early hours of November 6 1971. The Thompson family approached the PFC three years ago to ask for support in their search for the truth. It soon emerged that no proper investigation was ever carried out by the RUC and, to make matters worse, the PSNI then claimed that the investigation file had disappeared. Hours before a TV documentary was screened last year the PSNI claimed that a file did in fact exist.

The PFC accompanied the family to a meeting at PSNI HQ in Derry when promises were made that the file would be disclosed to the family. At that meeting the PSNI refused to disclose the file as promised and the Thompson family walked out in disgust. As late as February 18 of this year the Minister for Victims, Des Browne MP, claimed in correspondence that a full police investigation had been carried out.

Solicitors acting on behalf of the family lodged a judicial review in the High Court claiming that the Secretary of State was under an obligation to carry out an Article 2 investigation as required by the European Convention on Human Rights and the Human Rights Act. Today's judgement will have major implications for many cases where British soldiers and RUC officers were responsible for murders. Speaking on local radio at lunchtime, Minty Thompson, daughter of the murdered woman, said she "was overjoyed at the ruling." Though it is expected that the Secretary of State will appeal the judgement campaigners believe today's events mark a turning point for victims of state violence. Below is a PFC fact file on the background to the Kathleen Thompson case, together with a number of recent press releases regarding developments in the case.

Kathleen Thompson

During the early hours of November 6 1971 200 members of the Royal Green Jackets, a regiment of the British Army, moved into Creggan to search a house in Rathlin Drive, with instructions to arrest any males there. As they were leaving the area, empty handed, a soldier opened fire, shooting dead Kathleen Thompson, a 47-year-old mother of six children who was standing in her back garden at 129 Rathlin Drive. She was killed instantly by a single shot in the chest. The woman whose house had just been searched later said that she had heard an officer telling the soldiers to "get ready to shoot when you get outside" as they were leaving her house.

The army claimed that two shots were fired at them, and that they had replied with eight shots, one of which killed Kathleen Thompson. Civilian witnesses claim that no shots were fired at the army. Patrick Thompson, Kathleen's husband, said: "There was no exchange of shots at the time, and the only people in the street were soldiers who were shooting CS gas."

A statement released at the time by the Creggan and Foyle Hill Tenants Association read:

"Their [British army] answer has been to change their policy; they have replaced harassment with intimidation and murder. In order to carry out their murderous raid on this area they sneaked in across the fields and smashed in the door of a tenant's house.
"By this time the people in the immediate vicinity had become aware of the army's presence and came to their doors to see what was going on. They were met by a barrage of filthy language and threats by armed soldiers...Knowing that its presence was now discovered the army decided to withdraw but not before leaving its mark.

"A young mother, Mrs Kathleen Thompson, was unfortunate enough to be standing in her garden at this time. The soldiers passed this garden on their way out and one of them gave vent to his frustration by shooting her in the back."

The Soldiers' Accounts

Four 'alphabet soldiers' - A, B, C and D - gave statements about the death of Kathleen Thompson.

Soldier A, a squad leader, said that he saw what appeared to be a "dustbin lid and a piece of wood appear from over the fence of 129 Rathlin Drive" before soldier D opened fire.

Soldier A makes no reference to any shots being fired at the soldiers other than hearing a bang, or to seeing anything resembling a gun or a gunman in the garden where Kathleen Thompson was shot.

Soldier B, a platoon commander, said that he had heard of the incident immediately afterwards, but again no reference is made to any civilian gunmen, or gunfire directed at the army.

Soldier C, who was a member of A's section, claims to have seen up to four people in the back garden of 129 Rathlin Drive, including a man holding "what appeared to be a .22 rifle" and one female. He said he took aim at the gunman, but then heard two shots and saw the gunman "slump towards the fence." He said that he was about 10yds away at the time, with a clear sight of the gunman, whom he described as "heavily built and about 6ft tall wearing dark clothing." He also claims to have seen "some kind of bomb" thrown from his right.

Soldier D, who killed Kathleen Thompson, claimed that as he was running down Southway he heard a single shot, possibly from a .22. "The shot appeared to come from the rear of 129 Rathlin Drive which I was opposite. I turned around and saw a flickering light and the figure of a person behind the fence of 129 Rathlin Drive. I also heard some voices coming from the area to the rear of 129 Rathlin Drive. An object was thrown in my direction. I did not see where it landed or what it was.

"I then took aim with my SLR at the figure behind the fence and fired 2 x 7.62 rounds. I could not confirm a hit, but the figure disappeared as soon as I had fired which could indicate that I did hit it. The distance between myself and the figure was about 20 yards."

Soldier D then fired a further three shots at an alleged bomber on his right, about 130 yards away, and a further three shots at a point from where he claimed another object was thrown.

This accounts for all eight shots claimed by the army. Out of 200 soldiers who were allegedly fired upon, only one soldier returned fire.

Soldier A, D's squad leader, ordered him to cease firing. Soldier C also refers to the order to D to cease firing.

A number of questions arise from the soldiers statements:

Soldiers A, C and D were in the same section and were moving together down Southway when the shots were fired. How then can the three give very clear, but totally different accounts, of what they could see in the back garden of 129 Rathlin Drive? Photographs of the scene show that the soldiers could not possibly have had the view into the garden that they claimed to have had.

The autopsy report shows that the bullet that killed Kathleen Thompson came from above and to the left. Soldier D claimed that he was running "down Southway towards Letterkenny Road" when he fired the fatal shot. This is not possible. If the shot was fired from Southway, as soldier D claimed, then the bullet would have been travelling upwards when it hit Kathleen Thompson.
The section comprised of eight soldiers. Why were statements only taken from three members of this section, Soldiers A, C and D? Soldier B was not at the actual location of the shooting.

Soldiers C and D refer to bombers on high ground to their right. Soldier A refers to another company of soldiers in the same position at the same time. How could there be bombers in the same position as the soldiers, and why were statements not taken from any of these soldiers?

All four statements were taken by the same investigator - JR Mills - a Corporal in the Army Special Investigation Branch - at exactly half hour intervals - Soldier A, 0330hrs, Soldier D 0400hrs, Soldier C 0430hrs and Soldier B 0500hrs. These were the only statements taken and this then amounts to a two-hour investigation of a fatal incident in which these soldiers were involved. Can this in any way be considered an adequate investigation?

Why was there no evidence of any RUC involvement in the questioning of the soldiers? The RUC are duty-bound to fully investigate such events, but in this case obviously did not. The evidence of RUC involvement only relates to procedural matters, i.e. identification of the body, photographing of the scene (10 months later). These 'procedural matters' related only to the preparation of materials for the Inquest and not to a police investigation into her death. There is, as yet, no evidence of any such investigation, despite claims by the RUC that one was carried out. It must be emphasised that the preparation of documents for an Inquest does not fulfil the legal requirement on the RUC to carry out a police investigation.

Civilian Witnesses

The evidence of civilian witnesses differs substantially from that of the soldiers. None of the civilian witnesses make any reference to any shots being fired, or bombs being thrown at the soldiers. All say that the only 'bangs' that night came from British army rifles and CS gas canisters being fired. One witness, Daniel Houston, said: "I am definite that no shots were fired from our direction at the soldiers."

None of the civilian witnesses refer to anyone other than Kathleen Thompson being in the back garden of 129 Rathlin Drive at the time she was killed.

Mr Thompson also described the layout of his back garden, claiming that due to the height of the fence it would have been impossible for anyone, including the soldiers who claimed to have seen a gunman in the back garden, to have seen over the fence into the garden, unless they stood on something to see over the fence.

If the soldiers were moving down Southway, a very steep hill, as they claimed they were at the time of the shooting, the gradient of the hill would have further exaggerated the height of the fence, making it impossible for any of the soldiers to have seen into the back garden of 129 Rathlin Drive.

Inquest

On November 2 1972 the inquest into the death of Kathleen Thompson delivered an open verdict. Mr Thompson was denied the opportunity to give evidence at the inquest. Despite the open verdict the DPP failed to then order any further enquiries into the circumstances of the death. This was in clear contravention of domestic and international guidelines governing the responsibilities of prosecuting authorities.

Recent Developments

In a letter dated May 1 2001 the RUC confirmed that "no police investigation file in respect of the incident resulting in Mrs Thompson's death can be found." The letter went on to state that enquiries to the office of the Director of Public Prosecutions and the Crown Solicitor had also failed to locate a file. No official document relating to the shooting death of a mother of six exists other than the Inquest documents.

In further correspondence from the RUC dated October 10 2001 the family were informed that a further search had failed to locate an investigation file. The letter claimed that an investigation had taken place but no evidence was offered to support this claim.

It is important to point out that an official with the office of the DPP informed the Pat Finucane Centre that the RUC did not routinely carry out investigations into deaths attributed to the security forces during the period leading up to the establishment of the office of the DPP in the spring of 1972.

According to this official the archive of the DPP contains a letter from the incoming DPP instructing the RUC Chief Constable to carry out police investigations into all conflict related deaths. The PFC is of the opinion that no police investigation was ever carried out into the death of Kathleen Thompson and has now requested firm evidence of the nature of the alleged investigation from the RUC. To date the shocking fact remains that the official response to the death of Kathleen Thompson was an internal army investigation which lasted a total of two hours. The RUC did not attempt, on the available evidence, to take any statements from military or civilian witnesses. The family have confirmed that an RUC Detective removed vital forensic evidence, a bullet embedded in the wall of the house, from the scene on the night. Nothing more was heard of this evidence and the RUC have never approached the family in relation to any investigation.

This failure to investigate is in direct contravention of domestic and international law. Earlier this year the European Court of Human Rights held that the UK Government had violated Article 2 of the European Convention of Human Rights through its failure to conduct proper independent enquiries into specific conflict related deaths. As a result the Thompson family wrote to the Secretary of State and the Director of Public Prosecutions (DPP) "to request what measures are now being undertaken to comply with these judgements..." On November 1 a reply was received stating that the DPP had sought the advice of Senior Counsel and a further reply would be issued within 14 days. By November 13, in other words, the Thompson family will know how the state intends to respond to their long and painful search for the truth.

To date the response has only served to rub salt into the wound. In a letter dated March 26 2001 the Compensation Agency informed the family that compensation of £84.07, (eighty four pounds and seven pence) was paid to the family in June 1980. Mr Thompson, husband of the victim, tore up the cheque.

Press Release ...For Immediate Release, September 02

Thompson Family Appeal to Chief Constable to Intervene

The family of murdered Derry woman Kathleen Thompson have appealed to the newly appointed Chief Constable, Hugh Orde, to intervene in the ongoing mystery over the existence of an investigation file into her death. The move comes following months of "frustration and prevarication" according to Minty Thompson, daughter of the victim. For over a year the family were told that "no investigation file in respect of the incident resulting in Mrs Thompson's death can be found."

Then, earlier this year and just hours before a television programme titled The Thompson File was due to be screened, the PSNI dramatically announced that a file had been found. The family learnt of this new development while watching the programme. Neither they, their solicitors or the Pat Finucane Centre who had been writing on their behalf were officially informed that a file had been found until after some time the programme had been shown.

Despite subsequent correspondence from the PSNI promising the family access to the investigation file no access has been granted. The PSNI informed the family on May 28 that the Regional Assistant Chief Constable "is happy to arrange a meeting with a member of the family to acquaint them with details of the investigation." On June 18 there were told that they would "contacted in due course." On July 28 the issue of access to the file was "receiving attention" according to the assistant Chief Constable.

According to Minty Thompson, "The programme was broadcast six months ago. Our family have grown increasingly sceptical as to whether an actual file does in fact exist. There is a suspicion that the PSNI sought to minimise the negative publicity caused by the programme by claiming the existence of an investigation file where none in fact exists. The family are therefore appealing directly to the Chief Constable to clear this matter up as soon as possible. If a file exists we are demanding that the contents be made available to the family without further delay. We were promised it six months ago."

A spokesperson for the PFC added, "recent events would vindicate our view that no actual investigation was ever carried out. Where there was no investigation there is no investigation file. As recently as July we accompanied the family of Annette Mc Gavigan to Strand Rd Barracks where we were assured that the family would have access to documents related to the investigation. As it turned out the PSNI were unable to produce a single document emanating from the RUC relating to the death of a 14 year old schoolgirl shot by the British Army in September 1971. There is therefore justified suspicion that no investigation was ever carried out into the death of Kathleen Thompson less than two months later, in November 1971. Its put-up or shut-up time. If a file exists then it should be produced without delay."

Family denied access to murder file
25/10/02

Members of the family of Kathleen Thompson, the Derry mother-of-six shot dead in the back garden of her home by a British soldier in November 1971, went to Strand Road PSNI barracks in Derry today to view the RUC investigation file into her death.

After a prolonged attempt to see the file, during which the family were told by the RUC that no file could be found, only for the file to appear just hours before a television program on the question of its existence was broadcast and then apparently disappear again, the Thompson family were promised last week that they would be given full access to the file at 11.00am today.

When the family arrived, all they were shown was a collection of statements taken from the Inquest papers. The PSNI officers present claimed that other papers existed, but were 'not available' to the family today. The Thompson family walked out of the barracks without being given, or even shown, anything to prove that police investigation into their mother's death was ever carried out.

Speaking afterwards, Mary Louise Thompson said:

"We walked into Strand Rd expecting to get access to the RUC investigation file into the murder of our mother. We didn't. We walked in expecting, like other families, to get copies of documents that they said they were making available to us. We didn't. We expected to be able to see what documentation the RUC held on file. We were denied access. We were told the information was "confidential". We were shown no shred of evidence of there ever having been any RUC investigation into the murder of our mother, and yet the PSNI were adamant that there had been. We are now more convinced than ever that there was no proper investigation.

"The PSNI's attitude was an insult to us and to the memory of our mother. Their attitude today is no different from the RUC's thirty-one years ago."

It has already been revealed that, in direct contradiction of international human rights law, it was accepted practice at the time for the RUC not to investigate killings by the army, but to leave this to other soldiers. The existence of a "gentleman's agreement" to this effect has already emerged at the Bloody Sunday Inquiry in a statement from a British army officer:

"Back in 1970 a decision was reached between the GOC and the Chief Constable whereby RMP (Royal Military Police) would tend to military witnesses and the RUC to civilian witnesses in the investigation of offences and incidents. With both RMP and RUC sympathetic to the soldier, who after all was doing an incredibly difficult job, he was highly unlikely to make a statement incriminating himself...It was equally unlikely that RUC would prefer charges against soldiers except in the most extreme circumstances."

Further evidence of exactly how the army 'investigated' itself will be given to the Bloody Sunday Inquiry this coming Monday. In his statement a soldier known only as INQ 2052, who was a member of the army Special investigation branch in Derry in 1972, will describe such an investigation:

"I interviewed the soldier wherever his unit was located...It was not a very formal procedure. I always wore civilian clothing and the soldier was usually relaxed. We usually discussed the incident over sandwiches and tea...We did not check weapons or indeed ask any questions about weapons if our investigations concerned a soldier firing his weapon. Nor did we ask any questions regarding the yellow card. It was not our role to ascertain whether the soldier was justified in firing or whether his behaviour was lawful or unlawful; our role was merely to record the facts of the incident."

Paul O'Connor of the PFC who accompanied the family said, "This type of investigation, carried out "over sandwiches and tea", was never going to lead to the prosecution of any soldier for the murder of a civilian. That was the intention. In the case of Kathleen Thompson we know the army 'investigation' lasted just two hours. We have the timed and dated statements to prove it. This is obviously not acceptable, and her family will now settle for nothing less than a full, impartial and completely transparent investigation into her death. We are calling on the UK Government to finally institute its own policy of Glasnost, open up the files and end the culture of secrecy."

Press Release- Kathleen Thompson Anniversary- Still no family access to files, 5/11/02

It is now 31 years to the day (Wednesday 6/11/02) since Derry mother-of-six Kathleen Thompson was shot dead in the back garden of her own home by a British soldier, and her family claim that they know no more about her death now than they did on the day she was killed.

Following the most recent denial by the PSNI of access to the RUC investigation file which they claim to hold, the Thompson family remain more convinced than ever that the only 'investigation' ever carried out into their mother's death was the four statements taken from soldiers in the hours after their mother's death. This means that the only investigation into her death was an internal army investigation, carried out by other soldiers, which lasted just two hours.

It has already been revealed that, in direct contradiction of domestic and international law, it was accepted practice at the time for the RUC not to investigate killings by the army, but to leave this to other soldiers. The existence of a "gentleman's agreement" to this effect has already emerged at the Bloody Sunday Inquiry in a statement from a British officer. That same officer, known only as Inq 3, gave evidence to the Inquiry on Monday, and revealed even more about the nature of these internal army investigations. During cross-examination by a QC for the Bloody Sunday families it was revealed that:

* It was not the SIB investigator's job to challenge or cross-examine a soldier about his account, but simply take a note of what he was saying;
* The soldier was treated as a witness, not as a suspect;
* The SIB investigators would not be trying to obtain an admission of criminal responsibility;
* That even if a soldier volunteered such an admission, it would not be accepted until confirmed by a superior officer
* That there was nothing to discourage a soldier from lying about his actions, and that in fact it could be interpreted from guidelines that a soldier was positively encouraged to lie;
* That it was accepted that soldiers would 'close ranks' to protect each other when being questioned about possible criminal acts, and that this loyalty extended throughout all ranks of the army

This new evidence provides further confirmation that between July 1970 and March 1972, British soldiers, who killed Kathleen Thompson and 66 others, enjoyed complete immunity from prosecution. With the RUC completely abrogating their legal obligation to investigate all suspicious deaths, and an army 'investigation' totally weighted in the soldier's favour, there was no possibility that any soldier would ever be prosecuted. The British army killed 67 civilians between July 1970 and March 1972. Not one soldier was convicted. .

Speaking after this latest evidence emerged, Minty Thompson said:

"It's thirty one years now since my mother was killed, and we are still being kept in the dark. The PSNI are still refusing us access to their supposed investigation files, just like the RUC did for the previous thirty years, and everything we hear now about how army investigations were carried out at the time shows they were nothing more than a formality, with no prosecutions intended or expected.

"Our pain is the same as that of every other family who have lost a loved one, so why are we being treated differently? Why were we denied the right to a proper investigation into our mother's death? We do not accept this, and will never accept it. We demand now, on the anniversary of our mother's death, that it be properly investigated and that we, her family, be finally told why our mother was killed, and why nothing was done about it."

2003-02-27T09:59:00.000-10:00

Loyalists carried out drive by beating - Sinn Fein

Sinn Fein spokesman, Philip McGuigan has called on the UDA to ‘rein in’
their youth wing, the UYM, after a young man was attacked on the Cushendall
Road on Saturday morning.
Mr McGuigan asked whether the recent UDA ceasefire statement, would mean
Catholics in Ballymena could walk home in safety.
He said: “This attack, which was clearly sectarian, was particularly vicious
and could have resulted in a far worse situation for this young man. It was
certainly
orchestrated by young loyalists in the UDA. This must stop and stop
immediately.
“The UDA needs to reign in its youth wing if their words are to mean
anything to the people of Ballymena."
The ballymoney Councillor questioned the integrity of the UDA statement,
saying: "Nationalists will be extremely sceptical about any words that come
from the UDA. We have heard all this kind of talk before.
“Unfortunately it was that, only talk. What people in places like Ballymena
want to know is will Catholics be able to walk home at night without fear of
being attacked by a gang of loyalists.
“The people of Ballymena certainly want to know if this
means that loyalists, and in particular the UDA, will stop killing people in
order to make huge profits for themselves by bringing in drugs to the area.
“This statement comes on the back of a young Catholic man getting a savage
beating from a gang of loyalists on Saturday morning.”

2003-02-27T09:56:00.000-10:00

Never Walk Alone Advice to Catholics

A MAN who was viciously attacked with a car jack in a sectarian attack at
Ballymena's Cushendall Road yesterday has advised nationalists not to walk
home alone at night.

The 19- year- old Roman Catholic, from the Dunclug area of the town, who did
not wish to be named, said that he will now use taxis to travel to and from
the town centre when out at weekends.

He was set upon by a gang of up to 12 people who pulled up alongside him in
two cars at around 1.40am on Saturday as he walked close to the cemetery.

The man can not remember the exact details of the assault.

He said that police found a car jack near the scene and that they believed
it was to attack him.

The man received a broken nose, has five staples in a head wound and a
footprint mark on his forehead.

He also received severe bruising to his arms and legs.

The man said he was walking up Cushendall Road on his own after a night out
when a dark blue car pulled up with the front passenger door already open
before it stopped.

He said: ''I turned in the other direction but there was a red car, which
also came out of

the town centre. Then I was attacked.

''One of them said: 'I hope you die you Fenian b...... d.'

"I can't remember much more about the attack and don't know how it stopped
but I was left in a pool of blood.''

The man added: ''From now on, I will be getting a taxi up the road and, if
anybody is thinking of walking alone, don't do it.''

2003-02-26T08:34:00.000-10:00

UDA denies bomb attack

The device exploded at the front door of the house at Demesne Avenue
The Ulster Defence Association has denied involvement in the bombing of a
Catholic family in County Armagh.
However, Sinn Fein said it believed the UDA carried out the attack in
Lurgan.

The police are treating the incident as sectarian.

The device exploded at the front door of the house at Demesne Avenue on
Tuesday night.

A second bomb found in the garden was defused by Army technical experts.

Sectarian graffiti was also left on the garage door.

The Ulster Political Research Group, which gives advice to the UDA, said the
paramilitary group had denied its involvement.

Spokesman Colin Halliday said: "I have been talking to people on the ground
and it was definitely not them."

It is the work of evil people who would endeavour to unsettle anyone in
their home by putting lives in jeopardy

David Trimble
Ulster Unionist leader

A spokesman said all UDA units in north Armagh were observing the
organisation's ceasefire.

Security Minister Jane Kennedy described the bombing as "a worrying
development".

Ulster Unionist leader David Trimble, who is the MP for the area, said it
was "an abhorrent incident which could have resulted in tragedy".

"Thankfully, on this occasion, no one was injured," he said.

"The family which was targeted has lived in the area for 25 years. It is the
work of evil people who would endeavour to unsettle anyone in their home by
putting lives in jeopardy."

SDLP councillor Dolores Kelly said it was "a completely unwarranted and
horrific attack on a completely innocent Catholic family".

"Incidents of this nature only serve to heighten tensions in what has always
been a quiet area," she said.

"The mindless thugs who carried out this attack were hell-bent on causing
death or serious injuries and must be pursued and prosecuted to the full
extent of the law."

'Potential to kill'

Sinn Fein Upper Bann assembly member Dara O'Hagan said nationalists were
"rightly sceptical of the UDA's statement".

"Throughout the six counties, nationalists are judging the actions of
unionist paramilitaries in Lurgan last night."

Police made a search of the area following the attack

Inspector David Hutchinson said the attack could have been fatal.

"We utterly condemn any attack. Devices like these are of a very crude
nature, but had the potential to seriously injure or kill," he said.

The family has lived in the area without incident for 25 years, said the
officer.

"There has never been an incident of a similar nature or even of a minor
nature before."

Craigavon mayor Jonathan Bell said the district was a very settled, mixed
area and he could not understand why "there should have been such an attack
on good people in the area"

2003-02-24T10:08:00.000-10:00

'UDA collusion' masterspy in top Iraq role

Investigation: Promotion for Scottish brigadier in Ulster murder probe rules out threat of prosecution

By Neil Mackay Home Affairs Editor

BRIGADIER Gordon Kerr, the Scottish military intelligence officer facing prosecution for allegedly colluding with loyalist paramilitaries in the murders of Catholics in Ulster, has been sent to the Gulf to head up British spying activities in the Middle East as part of preparations for action in Iraq.

The posting places Kerr, an Aberdonian army officer who began his career in the Gordon Highlanders, far beyond the reach of either Scotland Yard or the Director of Public Prosecutions (DPP). The move has been described as a 'get out of jail free card' for Kerr.

The families of victims murdered through security force collusion with loyalist terror gangs have savaged the decision to relocate Kerr to the Gulf, saying that it proves he is protected by the state and will never face prosecution.

The move follows a decision on February 13 by Sir John Stevens, the Metropolitan Police Commissioner, to forward papers on Kerr and some 20 other members of the security forces who served in Northern Ireland to the DPP. The DPP will make a decision on whether or not to seek prosecutions against Kerr and the other security force personnel.

For more than two years, the Sunday Herald has been investigating the role of Kerr in the 'dirty war' in Northern Ireland. Kerr was the commanding officer of the Force Research Unit (FRU), an ultra-secret arm of the British Army's Intelligence Corps which ran some of the most highly placed agents within the IRA and loyalist paramilitary organisations.

The Sunday Herald investigations revealed how Kerr and the FRU used some agents as 'proxy assassins' for the British state. Military handlers would pass information and documents -- such as photographs and address details -- on Sinn Fein activists, republican sympathisers, IRA men and sometimes ordinary Catholics, to agents inside the UDA. This information would then be handed on to UDA murder squads who would use it to plan assassinations.

Among those who died as a result of the alleged collusion was the acclaimed Belfast solicitor Pat Finucane who was gunned down by loyalist killers in front of his wife and children in 1989. Scotland Yard Commissioner Sir John Stevens has been investigating the Finucane murder and the activities of the FRU for more than a decade.

Pat Finucane's son Michael, who is a Dublin solicitor, said: 'This latest development shows clearly that the government not only supports Kerr but will protect him should he need protection from possible prosecution.

'I have no confidence in Sir John Stevens's investigation ever producing a successful prosecution, certainly not against an army brigadier.

'The circumstances surrounding the murder of my father clearly show British army and British government collusion in the murder. It is clear that this policy of collusion continues even to this day, except that instead of colluding with loyalists, the army and the government are colluding with each other to ensure that the matter stays covered up.'

Until recently Kerr was British military attachŽ to Beijing -- one of the most senior diplomatic roles that a serving soldier can fill. Kerr was questioned by the Stevens team earlier this year on his return from China. He then took two weeks' leave before his posting to the Gulf.

A senior military source told the Sunday Herald: 'This posting makes Kerr untouchable. He is not going to be dragged away from essential war work in an operational theatre to talk to the police or prosecutors. Kerr has landed on his feet with this posting.

'It shows that the whole Stevens inquiry is nothing but a whitewash. He is never going to end up in a court of law. This posting keeps him safe and protects those in the army who are above him -- and those politicians who were in power when the FRU was carrying on these activities in Ulster -- from ever having to answer nasty questions that might arise through him being arrested or charged.'

Other senior Ministry of Defence sources said that 'it seemed increasingly unlikely that there would ever be a successful prosecution stemming from the Stevens inquiry'. Kerr is the most senior serving officer in the Intelligence Corps and has been rewarded with both an OBE and the Queen's Gallantry Medal for his services to the Army.

The MoD's chief spokesman said: 'As far as I'm concerned Brigadier Kerr is a senior serving officer and he will be deployed as we see fit. This will be the case until there are charges or arrests.

'We cannot release information on his posting and location due to the background of the work that Brigadier Kerr was involved in. I'd find it very unfair if the Sunday Herald said that we were keeping him out of trouble or away from the investigation.

'We do not see how his current posting is relevant to the Stevens inquiry. It would only be relevant if the police had said that Brigadier Kerr should remain in the country. That wasn't said.'

Jane Winter, the director of British Irish Rights Watch -- an organisation that has campaigned long and hard for justice over the murder of Pat Finucane -- said: ' The fact that Kerr seems to be playing a key role in the coming war suggests that all the activities that he was involved in were sanctioned at the highest level.''

Intelligence sources who know Kerr said: 'It seems bizarre that he has been chosen for this role. He isn't an expert in Arab matters at all. It seems a very convenient way of getting him offside at a crucial time.'

Kerr will also be involved in any post-war 'de-Saddam isation' of Iraq, sources said. This would involve the prosecution of key members of the regime for crimes against humanity. 'Wouldn't it be ironic if Kerr was in charge of gathering the information for the prosecution of war crimes?' a source added.

2003-02-24T06:45:00.000-10:00

“ Bernadette Devlin McAliskey A Threat To National Security?”

Lets GET REAL here folks. THIS is an OUTRAGE

She may have the keys to several American cities in her pocket but on Friday
night ( Feb 21st ) Bernadette Devlin Mc Aliskey was refused entry into the US
when she and her daughter Deirdre arrived at Chicago’s O Hare Airport.
Having flown from Dublin on Aer Lingus and cleared US Immigration in Ireland
the pair were lifting their luggage from the conveyor belt when they heard
“Bernadette Mc Aliskey” being shouted across the arrivals hall by an
Immigration and Naturalization Service officer ( INS ) .
The pair who were scheduled to fly onto New York were taken to an interview
room and Bernadette was told she was being refused entry because she was
illegally using the “Visa Waiver” form knowing she was ineligible because of
her conviction for rioting in 1969.
When she pointed out that she had been using the Visa Waiver since 1989 on
the advice of the US Consulate given that the conviction was “spent” after 20
years and had visited the US literally dozens of times without any problem
the senior INS officer J.E Squires said “ if you contradict me I will slap
the cuffs on you and haul your ass off to jail”
He then informed her that they had received a fax from Dublin saying she was
to be refused entry.
In a particularly bizarre moment Mc Aliskey, 56, was approached by a junior
officer who sat face to face with her and said
“Don’t piss my boss off. I saw him fire a shot at a Russian in here last
week. It went past my ear. He has the authority to do that”.
After 60 minutes of detention and checking computer files Squires agreed that
the conviction was indeed “spent” a “211a” in INS language but that he had no
discretion given the fact the fax had come from Ireland and added that the
refusal was the result of a “state department review” which said that she was
a “threat or possible threat to the security of the United States”. Squires
said his check had revealed no State Department update of her file and
advised her to make a formal complaint to the INS.
Mc Aliskey was shot and critically wounded by Loyalists when a member of the
National H Block Committee in 1981 but neither she nor Deirdre got the
impression that the INS officer knew who she was.
Deirdre was told they had no interest in her and was allowed fly on to New
York. Before being put back on the same plane she had traveled out on Mc
Aliskey was finger printed and photographed.
Mc Aliskey says she is now in the process of making a formal complaint
through the US consulate in Belfast and the Department of Foreign Affair in
Dublin about what she considers a violation of her right to freedom of
movement and her personal security given the finger printing, photographing
and threat by the junior INS officer.
Mc Aliskey said her detention and expulsion from the US was symptomatic of
George Bush’s abuse of authority and of the total lack of due process under
the guise of national security in their headlong rush to war with Iraq. ENDS

2003-02-20T15:19:00.000-10:00

SF sceptical about UDA decommissioning

Sinn Fein has expressed scepticism about the UDA's decision to "decommission" 14 pipe bombs, a quantity of explosive powder, fireworks and fuses.

The loyalist paramilitary group handed over the material last night, saying it didn't want the bombs to be used against Protestants in further violence.

Sinn Fein's Gerry Kelly claimed the hand-over had more to do with the fact that the bombs were manufactured by supporters of renegade commander Johnny Adair and may have been unstable.

He said that the UDA should announce and end to its murder campaign against Catholics.

The SDLP's John Dallat also called on the organisation to hand over the rest of its weapons and explosives.

online.ie

2003-02-20T15:18:00.000-10:00

2003-02-19T10:03:00.000-10:00

UDA is a sectarian killing machine... with or without Adair
----
Casual observers could be forgiven for thinking that UDA members were part
of a legitimate organisation, instead of a sectarian killer gang. The media
was addressing UDA leaders respectfully as, "Mr Adair" or "Mr Gregg" and by
their self-awarded titles - "Brigadier".
----------------------------------------------------------------------------
----

Gosh and golly, what could be tougher than being a unionist paramilitary in
"Nor'n Iron" this past week?

On the evening of Saturday, 1 February, as they returned from a Rangers game
in Scotland, UDA leader John "Grug" Gregg and another UDA man, Robert "Rab"
Carson, were gunned down in a taxi in the Docks area of Belfast. The taxi
driver remains in critical condition.

Blame for the Gregg killing immediately fell onto Johnny "Mad Dog" Adair's
"C" company, who have been involved in a vicious feud with the mainstream
UDA. It didn't matter that Adair was sitting in Maghaberry prison at the
time of the shooting. Everyone knew who gave the order.

With this latest brazen act, Adair and his gang had effectively thrown down
the gauntlet of loyalist violence in no uncertain terms and all that
remained to be seen was who would be left standing after the smoke had
cleared.

On Tuesday, 4 February, only days after the Gregg/Carson killing, the ruling
UDA leadership issued a statement saying that members of 'C' company had 48
hours to distance themselves from Adair or "face the consequences". If they
refused, said the statement, they would be "treated the same as the enemies
of Ulster".

Catholic nationalists knew exactly what they meant, and so did the UDA's
rank and file.

Remaining UDA companies in West Belfast rushed to their telephones to
condemn Adair and his cohorts, saying that they "no longer recognised 'C'
Company's current leadership". Members of Adair's own group headed into
nearby pubs to formally switch sides and declare their allegiance. Even
Adair's allies in the LVF, whom he sided with in the past as a further
challenge to his UDA adversaries, washed their hands of the whole mess,
saying "the LVF have not and would not become involved in any act connected
to this ongoing problem".

Within days of Gregg's killing, the UDA leadership issued a further
statement, announcing plans for a mass mobilisation on Adair's home turf in
the Lower Shankill the following Saturday. A UDA spokesman was quoted as
saying, "this was an act of war, and there will be no hiding place for those
responsible".

What was left of Adair's dwindling faction responded with the usual bravado,
saying it would meet any attacks with "a measured military response against
the aggressors", and that it, in turn, was planning "a street party" for the
same day.

Later that night, John White defiantly told a reporter he was "indifferent"
to Gregg's killing. "Those who live by the sword, die by the sword," he
said.

Infuriated, the rest of the UDA decided not to wait until Saturday for their
show of strength. Instead, at about midnight on Wednesday 5 February, they
flooded into the lower Shankill.

Hand to hand fighting took place, homes were attacked, shots were fired, and
in the ensuing chaos, 'C' Company phoned the PSNI for protection - prompting
Chief Constable Hugh Orde to remark that "those who live by the sword, as
soon as it starts to get difficult, call the police for help".

Within hours, the remaining Adair gang - including John White, Adair's wife
Gina, his children, and other 'C' company allies were packing their bags and
fleeing to Scotland under PSNI escort. The violent clash that had been
anxiously anticipated became a bloodless coup as the "corporate" UDA
re-established its dominance.

While the British tabloids rushed to splash pictures of Johnny Adair's
abandoned dogs onto their front pages and think up amusing captions for the
morning headlines, the remaining members of Adair's notorious "C" company
were sitting in a Scottish hotel, hunched over plates of haggis and looking
over their shoulders with every hurried bite.

And so, the latest unionist episode of the Sopranos comes to a temporary
close - not with a bang, but a whimper. Within the Six Counties anyway.

"It wouldn't matter if they went to the Mediterranean," a UDA source was
quoted as saying. "John Gregg is lying in a coffin and that is a disgrace.
It's never over until it's over. There is still work to do."

Over the course of the past several years, infighting within unionist
paramilitary groups has led to the deaths of more than a dozen loyalists.

According to PSNI statistics, aside from internal conflicts, unionist
paramilitaries were also responsible for 114 shootings and 89 serious
assaults in 2002 alone.

Their reign of terror has also resulted in seven dead Catholics (including
young Ciaran Cummings and postman Daniel McColgan,) a journalist, (Martin
O'Hagan) and several dead Protestants killed in the mistaken belief that
they were Catholics - Gavin Brett and David Cupples among them.

However, one of the most disturbing trends that has emerged out of recent
events is the way in which the British press has been portraying the UDA and
other unionist paramilitaries.

Casual observers could be forgiven for thinking that UDA members were part
of a legitimate organisation, instead of a sectarian killer gang. The media
was addressing UDA leaders respectfully as, "Mr Adair" or "Mr Gregg" and by
their self-awarded titles - "Brigadier".

There was, one might conclude, a "Good UDA' and a "Bad UDA" and by the end
of the feud the press seemed content to paint Adair as the bad guy and John
Gregg as one of the good ones.

Ulster Political Research Group spokesman Sammy Duddy described Gregg's
death as "a terrible waste."

"It is sad when loyalists die in feuds," lamented Duddy. "John Gregg was
interested in building bridges not starting feuds."

That was not all John Gregg was interested in.

He, Adair, and the other thugs of the UDA, earned their reputation and
status by engaging in vicious sectarian murders and treacherous criminal
pursuits such as drug dealing, prostitution and extortion.

The bloody feud that threatened to tear their organisation apart was not
about political differences. It was about the UDA reasserting its power and
control. It was about money, power and influence.

Indeed, after the speedy Shankill exodus of Adair's gang, Sinn Fein's Gerry
Kelly pointedly remarked, "the replacement of one group of sectarian killers
and drug dealers with another will do little to benefit the people of the
Lower Shankill".

And as republicans know only too well, a reunited UDA does little to
reassure nationalists. Historically, every time a split or shake up has
occurred within the unionist arena, Catholics die. After all, nothing brings
unionist paramilitaries together like a good progrom.

So, as the feud ran its course nationalist politicians in interface areas -
like Kelly and Sinn Féin's Gerard Brophy - were already warning their
communities to remain vigilant. It wasn't fear mongering. It was common
knowledge. The fact is, the UDA was, and remains, a sectarian killing
machine. After all, it was set up to kill Catholics. That was its original
mandate.

Unionist paramilitaries have always been encouraged to kill Catholics, and
they have no qualms about doing so. They have long operated as a covert
extension of the physical force of the British state, and were an effective
method of instilling fear and terror in the civilian population.

On the same day that John Gregg was buried - the day John White claimed in a
telephone call from Scotland that he would soon return to the Six Counties -
the Mayor of Belfast, Sinn Féin's Alex Maskey, was being informed by the
PSNI that his personal details were in the hands of UDA death squads and his
life was again under threat.

And no sooner had things grown quiet in the Shankill then trouble began yet
again in interface areas of North Belfast, with an orchestrated attack on
the Limestone Road.

Over on the Shankill, another unionist paramiltary was solemnly telling a
journalist that "the turnout today was a clear sign that 'C' Company stood
for the cancer in loyalism. The days of loyalists shooting loyalists have to
be finished."

So there is definitely something tougher than being a poor, misunderstood
unionist paramilitary - being a Catholic who happens to live next door to
one.

2003-02-19T06:50:00.000-10:00

Man charged with membership of IRA
A Monaghan man who was arrested by detectives investigating the Omagh bombing was today charged in the Special Criminal Court in Dublin with membership of an unlawful organisation, the IRA.

Seamus Daly, aged 32, of Kilmurray, Culloville, Castleblaney is charged that between April 29 1998 and November 20 2000, both date inclusive, within the State he was a member of an unlawful organisation styling itself the Irish Republican Army, otherwise Oglaigh na hEireann otherwise the IRA, contrary to the Offences Against the State Act 1939.

The accused is one of five men being sued in a civil action by relatives of the 1998 Omagh bombing in which 29 people were killed.

Security was tight inside and outside the Green Street courthouse as the accused arrived from Carrickmacross garda station under heavy garda escort at 12.10pm.

Garda David Forde of Carrickmacross station gave evidence of having arrested the accused in Castleblayney at 7.53pm on Tuesday.

During a 10-minute hearing today Garda Forde told the Special Criminal Court that he served Mr Daly with a copy of an arrest warrant issued by the court on Tuesday.

The accused "ripped it up" he said.

Asked if he knew the accused the garda replied: "Yes My Lords, I have known Mr Daly for a number of years."

Garda Forde said he informed the accused that he was to be charged on the directions of the DPP with membership of an unlawful organisation after being detained overnight at Carrickmacross garda station.

The accused, wearing a dark track suit top, was served with a copy of the book of evidence as he sat in the dock. When asked if his name was Seamus Daly he nodded in reply.

The accused was remanded in custody until February 25 where a bail application will be made. Solicitor for the State said the State would oppose bail on that date.

2003-02-18T08:58:00.000-10:00

The Bloody Sunday tribunal has been described as a waste of money by the
Chief Constable Hugh Orde.

Mr Orde said society needed to draw a line under its history in an interview
with the Financial Times newspaper on Tuesday.

He said the Saville Inquiry was unlikely to satisfy the families or any of
the other groups involved.

The chief constable was responding to Sinn Fein demands that the police
ombudsman be given powers to investigate all allegations of past misdeeds by
officers.

He obviously doesn't understand the relatives' feelings and how much it
matters to them in determining the truth

Michael McKinney Victim's brother

The inquiry is examining the events of 30 January 1972 when 13 civilians
were shot dead by British Army soldiers during a civil rights march in the
city.

A 14th person died later.

Mr Orde was quoted in the paper as saying: "Apart from making lawyers
millionaires, will it satisfy the families? I don't think so."

He added the inquiry costs would pay for two police colleges.

However, in a statement released later on Tuesday, Mr Orde said it was
important to find out the truth about what happened on Bloody Sunday and "it
certainly was not my intention to cast doubts on the legitimacy of that
inquiry".

"Society has a responsibility to find out what has happened in historical
cases, but we must also meet the needs of the present.

"There are a growing number of calls for investigations into historical
cases, and what I was saying is that perhaps now is the time to look again
at how we go about establishing the truth and meeting the needs of victims
and their families."

The tribunal, is due to resume in London next week, but it will be the
middle of next year at the earliest before Lord Saville is due to complete
his report.

Search for justice

Last year, Northern Ireland Office minister Des Browne said the total cost
of the inquiry could be more than £126m.

Mickey McKinney, 51, whose brother William was one of those killed said:
"Once this tribunal begins getting at the truth - and I think it is getting
at some of it - the only battering ram the critics have is the costs.

"I'm astonished he should make those remarks.

"He obviously doesn't understand the relatives' feelings and how much it
matters to them in determining the truth and our request for a declaration
of innocence for all our people."

SDLP policing spokesman Alex Attwood questioned the chief constable's
judgement.

"There is a real concern that the tribunal will not expose the truth and
that families and others will not be satisfied," he said.

Hugh Orde: Society needs to draw a line under its history

"The truth however must prevail.

"It is important for all leaders in the north, including the chief constable
to more fully acknowledge this requirement.

"Failure to do so is hurtful to families and unhelpful to creating a just
society."

Sinn Fein chairperson Mitchel McLaughlin described Mr Orde's comments as a
"complete red herring".

"The fact is that inquiries need not cost anything and the British
Government must face up to the actions of its agents," he said.

Lord Saville of Newdigate and the commonwealth judges accompanying him on
the Bloody Sunday inquiry began their work nearly four years ago.

They are not expected to report back until 2004.

The Bloody Sunday inquiry was established in 1998 by Prime Minister Tony
Blair after a campaign by families of those killed and injured.

They felt that the Widgery Inquiry, held shortly after the shootings, did
not find out the truth about what happened on Bloody Sunday.

2003-02-14T08:46:00.000-10:00

Adams denies involvement in 1978 bombing

Sinn Féin president Gerry Adams has denied claims by a DUP MP that he was involved in the IRA bombing of a hotel near Belfast 25 years ago which claimed the lives of 12 people.

Iris Robinson, the DUP MP for Strangford, made the allegation in the British House of Commons and cannot be sued for slander due to parliamentary privilege.

She said police had told her they were certain that Mr Adams sanctioned and approved the attack on La Mon House Hotel in February 1978 and called for a full public inquiry into the bombing.

Mr Adams, however, has insisted that there was no truth in Ms Robinson's claims and he described them as "theatrics".

Des Browne, one of the British ministers overseeing the North's affairs while the Assembly and Executive are suspended, said his government had no plans to establish an inquiry as the police had done everything they could at the time to find those responsible.

2003-02-14T08:41:00.000-10:00

Finucane: The truth at last?

Stevens says he now knows 'the full depth of collusion'

SIR John Stevens said today he knows the depth of security force collusion with loyalists in and around the murder of solicitor Pat Finucane.

He also revealed that prosecution papers are being prepared against a senior military officer as a result of his wider probe into security force operations involving loyalists.

But the Metropolitan Police Commissioner said his final report on the case has been delayed indefinitely by a large amount of new evidence - including documents that appear to have been withheld.

Sir John confirmed that large files are being prepared for the Director of Public Prosecutions, and indicated that he expects to make further arrests.

Those papers include files on Brigadier Gordon Kerr, the former head of a secret Army intelligence unit that ran double agent Brian Nelson, and other former and serving members of the police and Army.

"I have got to the bottom of it," he said in Belfast as he gave an update on the day after the 14th anniversary of Mr Finucane's murder.

"My inquiry team has a very clear picture of the events leading up to his murder, how it was carried out and by whom.

"It's now a question of turning intelligence into evidence. And that's what we're doing."

He said the fire at his inquiry team's Carrickfergus office in 1990 was started by a "firebomb".

"We were firebombed. That was done to impede the inquiry. I don't intend to say who I hold responsible for that. That is all part and parcel of what we're doing in this inquiry."

Sir John also took the opportunity to "completely rebut" the suggestion that Mr Finucane, gunned down by the UDA in front of his family, was involved with the IRA.

He says the allegations were "made by the people behind his murder". "He was nothing other than a hard working solicitor," he said.

Sir John confirmed his inquiry is now touching on every aspect of state intelligence in Northern Ireland, putting MI5 operations into the frame alongside the work of Special Branch and Army intelligence.

He said the aspects of MI5 work being investigated touch on the entire range of collusion investigations he has undertaken in Northern Ireland since 1989.

He said he is receiving "total co-operation" from MI5 director Eliza Manningham-Buller.

Sir John will produce an interim report to Chief Constable Hugh Orde, who used to work on the inquiry, in April.

Sir John intends to produce a full report to the Policing Board and Mr Orde at a later date.

Sir John reopened the investigation into Mr Finucane's murder four years ago, after new information was presented to the Government. He said that he believes he will catch the killers even at this late stage.

Yesterday Mr Finucane's family met Peter Cory, the Canadian judge who is assessing the need for a public inquiry. They have refused to co-operate with the Stevens investigation, arguing the criminal investigation is delaying the public inquiry.

Stevens' detectives are currently hoping that the loyalist feud will shake out even more witnesses.

Sir John said: "I want to appeal specifically to those persons involved in the UDA-UFF in 1988/89 and who have knowledge of those responsible for plannning and committing the murder of Pat Finucane."

He announced a phone number - 028 9025 9524 - for any loyalists wishing to "come forward and talk to us in confidence".

2003-02-14T08:37:00.000-10:00

Meehan warned of UDA targeting

North Belfast News 14th February 2003

Ardoyne Republican Martin Meehan has been warned three times in the past
week that the Red Hand Defenders, a cover-name for the UDA, are trying to
kill him.
The South Antrim Sinn Féin councillor was warned by the PSNI last Thursday
at Newtownabbey council that the group intended to kill him.
And on Saturday the PSNI called to his house to tell him that an attack was
imminent.
Martin Meehan says the warnings show the UDA is still targeting nationalists
in North Belfast and warned others to remain vigilant.
“These threats were serious, the UDA is determined to try and assassinate
me.
“The PSNI offered me an escort out of Antrim Council, which I refused.
“I told them I had been escorting myself for the past 30 years.
“This is the latest in a long line of attempts against my life.
“I won’t be put off doing my work as Sinn Féin representative however.”
In the past loyalists have left booby-trap bombs under the Sinn Féin man’s
car.
Martin Meehan and his family have been the focus of a number of loyalist
death threats.
In one ten-day period at the beginning of 2001, the Meehan family was
targeted by loyalists seven times.
On January 23 2001, Martin Meehan’s son, Martin Óg, was warned by the RUC of
an imminent loyalist attack.
Eight hours later two bullets were fired into his home, one hitting the
chimney breast and the other the front door.
A few days later another son was told by the RUC that his life was under
serious threat.
Four hours later there was a loyalist gun attack on his home.
Four days later, the RUC arrived at Martin Meehan's home to warn that
loyalists had threatened to assassinate him within 24 hours.
Martin Meehan warned nationalists that loyalism has a history of resolving
internal feuds by murdering Catholics.
“That is the way those groups operate.
“After they have finished murdering each other they go out to get a Catholic
as a peace offering to one another.
“I would strongly urge all nationalists to remain vigilant in the coming
days and weeks.”

2003-02-14T08:30:00.000-10:00

Loyalists threaten postal workers

Royal Mail say they are taking the threats seriously

Trade unionists have condemned loyalist death threats to three postal
workers in Belfast.
Royal Mail said they were taking the threats very seriously, and were
working with the police to heighten security for their employees.

This society needs everyone to pull away from violence and to try to build
the peace that everyone is crying out for

Pat Convery
SDLP councillor

It is understood two of the people threatened are managers.

Meanwhile, a Lisburn councillor has received a live round of ammunition in
the post.

Sinn Fein's Paul Butler received a Valentine's card containing the
ammunition on Friday as police confirmed they have advised a number of
people in the greater Belfast area that they should step up their personal
security.

The warning follows the seizure of what is believed to be a UDA compiled
list of names and addresses.

They were found on a computer disk discovered by detectives investigating
the activities of loyalist paramilitaries.

Belfast newspaper the Irish News, said it received a threat from the Red
Hand Defenders - a cover name used by the Ulster Freedom Fighters and the
Ulster Defence Association - against a named Catholic postman.

'Disgusting' threats

The warning was telephoned to the paper's offices on Thursday.

Peter Bunting of the Irish Congress of Trades Unions, said he found the
threats disgusting.

"Postal workers are vulnerable," he said.

"They out there on their own doing a job in very dark hours of early
mornings and they are the easiest targets walking around the streets of
Northern Ireland.

"Workers have the right to go about their work without fear from anyone or
threat from anyone and I think this is a deplorable week in Northern Ireland
for workers."

The postal workers who have already been told the threat is not serious and
it comes from an organisation which is dormant and no longer exists

Billy Hutchinson PUP assembly member

However, Progressive Unionist Party assembly member Billy Hutchinson, has
questioned the authenticity of the threats.

The North Belfast member said he believed the threats were founded on
hearsay among the workers rather than police intelligence.

"What we need to be doing is making sure that these threats are real," he
said.

"I am questioning why this week, whenever loyalism is trying to turn itself
around that we end up with three postal workers who have already been told
the threat is not serious, and it comes from an organisation which is
dormant and no longer exists."

North Belfast SDLP councillor Pat Convery said those responsible must
examine their consciences.

"I would like to appeal to them to withdraw these threats immediately," he
said.

"Let these men and women get back to their work.

"This society needs everyone to pull away from violence and to try to build
the peace that everyone is crying out for."

Meanwhile, north Belfast assembly member Alban Maginness has indicated the
Communications Workers' Union is considering strike action in the wake of
the threats.

The threat is the latest in a series against postal workers throughout the
province, following the murder of Danny McColgan last year.

The Ulster Defence Association murdered the Catholic father of one as he
arrived for work in Newtownabbey on 12 January last year.

Postal deliveries were suspended for two days following Mr McColgan's murder
and rallies were held across the province in protest at the threats.

2003-02-11T11:03:00.000-10:00

Pat Finucane Anniversary

February 12 is the anniversary of the 1989 murder of solicitor Pat Finucane by UDA gunmen acting under the direction of the British Army Force Research Unit and the RUC Special Branch. At 10am the family will meet Canadian judge Peter Cory in Belfast. The submission below will be delivered at the meeting. Then at 19.30 a memorial mass will be held at the Clonard Monastery, W Belfast. (The annexed documents referred to in the submission have not been included)

SUBMISSION TO JUDGE CORY

PATRICK FINUCANE DECEASED

INTRODUCTION

The circumstances surrounding the murder of Pat Finucane require no elaboration in this submission in light of the already voluminous material submitted by others.
In summary the position is as follows:
Patrick Finucane was murdered in circumstances which raise the most serious allegations of direct security force collusion with his killers at all stages of the murder. The actions of state agents and the state itself in relation to the murder of Patrick Finucane and its subsequent investigation "cry out for an explanation". Such an explanation has not yet been forthcoming. For more than thirteen years the state has failed to act to bring to an end the clear and obvious breaches of the applicant’s rights under Article 2 of the Convention. This is despite the unprecedented number of calls for an Article 2 compliant investigation from numerous respected organisations and individuals, both at domestic and international level.
(ii) The various investigative measures taken in relation to the murder have not, by any standards, been sufficient to satisfy the requirements of Article 2. In particular

The RUC investigation was not sufficiently independent given the hierarchical connection between those investigating the murder and those against whom allegations of collusion are made;
It did not provide for public scrutiny of the circumstances of the murder, and in particular the allegations of collusion arising therefrom;
It did not ensure the requisite protection of the family’s rights as a result of the lack of accessibility of the investigation to them;
The RUC failed to inform the DPP that Ken Barrett had admitted to Patrick Finucane’s murder;
The inquest did not provide a thorough investigation into his murder, given its restricted remit and the fact that allegations of collusion could not be and were not examined at the hearing;
The inquest was not a procedure that could form an effective part of the process of identification and prosecution of a perpetrator of an unlawful act;
The first and second Stevens investigations did not investigate the murder of Patrick Finucane;
In any event, none of the Stevens investigations were commenced promptly;
None provided for public scrutiny of the circumstances of the murder, and in particular the allegations of collusion arising therefrom;
The failure to allow the family and its legal representatives access to the investigations did not ensure the requisite protection of their rights;
As investigations established by the Chief Constable of the RUC and reporting to him the Stevens investigations do not satisfy the independence requirement of Article 2;
The actions of the DPP in failing to prosecute William Stobie in connection with the murder of Patrick Finucane in 1990 were contrary to Article 2 or alternatively raise concerns about the independence of the DPP;
The halting of the trial of William Stobie on arms charges in circumstances where it is suspected that he had threatened to expose the police’s prior knowledge of the plan to murder Patrick Finucane raises credible concerns about the independence of the DPP;
The failure to give any or adequate explanations for these actions when requested to do so;
The failure to prosecute Brian Nelson in connection with the murder of Patrick Finucane and associated offences in circumstances where a self-incriminating statement exists was contrary to Article 2 or alternatively raises concerns about the independence of the DPP;
The failure to give any or adequate reasons for this action when requested to do so; and
The decision to discontinue charges against Jim Spence was contrary to Article 2 or alternatively raises concerns about the independence of the DPP.

On 2 July 2002 the European Court of Human Rights (Fourth Section) declared Mrs Finucane’s application admissible. A copy of the Admissibility Decision is attached as Annex 1. It is to be observed that by letter dated 20 November 2002 the UK Government accepted that the first and second Stevens Inquiries did not satisfy the procedural obligations in Article 2. Furthermore, it was also accepted that the third Stevens Inquiry did not satisfy the Article 2 requirement of prompt and reasonable expedition.
These concessions were late and limited and prompted our response dated 6 January 2003 a copy of which is attached as Annex 2.
POSITION OF UK GOVERNMENT

The UK Government has indicated that, in the event that a public inquiry is recommended, it will implement that recommendation.
SUBMISSION

It is submitted that it has already been established that there is an overwhelming case for a full, public, independent judicial inquiry. Such an inquiry, in order to inspire the necessary confidence in its deliberations and to demonstrate its complete independence will require to be international in character. It must also comply with relevant international law and practice. This includes the UN Principles on Extra-Legal Executions and in particular the requirement that the family and their legal representatives shall have access to "all information relevant to the investigation".(1) A copy of these Principles is attached as Annex 3.
In view of the involvement of, inter alia, the Force Research Unit and Special Branch and possibly other intelligence agencies, and recent experience in the Bloody Sunday Inquiry, it is vital that your report should recommend strict adherence to the UN Principles identified above. There is a substantial risk that unless such a recommendation is made that access by the family and its legal representatives to all information relevant to the investigation may be withheld. Were this to occur, the necessary confidence, vital for any inquiry to command respect for its findings, would dissipate. Lord Widgery’s Inquiry into the events of Bloody Sunday is a potent example of an inquiry which never commanded the necessary confidence or respect for its findings as a result of which, almost thirty years later, the UK Government had to establish a second inquiry into the same events.
There is a realistic fear, founded on experience, that the government and its security agencies and the Ministry of Defence could seek to subvert the inquiry by asserting wide-scale claims for public interest immunity. Undoubtedly there exist powerful interests who would seek to frustrate any inquiry by asserting such claims. In order to counteract this risk it will be important that your report includes a recommendation that there should be strict adherence to the UN Principles and expressly recognising the concerns expressed herein. In particular, it should be emphasised that the inquiry and the family and its legal representatives must have access to all information relevant to the investigation.
As to the extent to which state authorities have been prepared to use PII as a means of preventing effective investigation of the use of lethal force by state agents, your attention is drawn to paras.149-151 of the judgment in McKerr(2) and the conclusion of the European Court at para.157 that the use of PII Certificates had the effect of preventing the inquest examining relevant matters. A copy of this judgment is attached as Annex 4.
Moreover, the Chief Constable of the PSNI, Hugh Orde, has admitted that the report by Sir John Stevens into the murder will not be published in full due to ‘intelligence issues’. (3) It is submitted that this reinforces the view held by the family that a full public inquiry is necessary to get to the truth and that it will be essential for your report to include recommendations along the lines suggested above.
CONCLUSION

For the above reasons it is submitted that you should recommend the following:
A full, independent, public judicial inquiry into all the circumstances surrounding the murder of Patrick Finucane;
That the inquiry be international in character;
That it strictly adheres to relevant international legal standards and in particular the UN Principles on Extra-Legal Executions;
That the family and its legal representatives shall have access to "all information relevant to the investigation";
That PII Certificates will not be relied upon to prevent disclosure of any relevant information either to the Inquiry or to the family and its legal representatives

1. Principle 16 of the UN Principles on Extra-Legal Executions provides:"Families of the deceased and their legal representatives shall be informed of, and have access to, any hearing as well as all information relevant to the investigation and shall be entitled to present other evidence …"

2003-02-11T08:58:00.000-10:00

Adams to seek legal advice over Omagh

Sinn Fein leader, Gerry Adams, says he does not think he has any important evidence to give lawyers acting for the relatives of the victims of the Omagh bombing.

Mr Adams and four other republicans have been subpoenaed by some of the victim's relatives to give evidence in the civil compensation action being taken.

He says he will take legal advice on the issue. "I have no evidence to offer. Obviously I will have to seek legal advice when I receive this subpoena. I do know there are those who do have evidence.

The Special Branch had fore notice of the bombing. Members and elements of British intelligence who were advised by British agents and others of information about this bombing. I just wonder have they received subpoenas as well. I just wonder what this is about."

2003-02-11T08:56:00.000-10:00

Adams ordered to appear at Omagh court case

SINN FÉIN president Gerry Adams has been ordered to appear at the North's High Court as part of a multi-million pound civil action by relatives of Omagh bomb victims. Martin McGuinness, Pat Doherty, Brian Gillen and Brian Keenan, all alleged members of IRA's ruling army council, have also been subpoenaed by lawyers.

The High Court action is due to start later this year when relatives of some of the 29 victims seek stg£10 million compensation from the gang they blame for the August 1998 outrage.

Papers served in Belfast claim Mr Adams and the other four led the IRA when Michael McKevitt, another Provo chief, quit to head up the republican dissident group which bombed Omagh. All five have always denied being members of the Provisional IRA.

But lawyers believe they could provide information about republican strategy at the time McKevitt quit in a bitter row over Sinn Féin's involvement in the peace process.

McKevitt, the IRA's former quartermaster general, is one of the five Real IRA suspects being sued by the relatives in a civil action.

A source close to the legal team said last night: "These men were present at five key meetings which led to McKevitt resigning and forming the Real IRA. They are material witnesses who can give evidence about McKevitt's role in that."

The legal team has listed five secret Provisional IRA meetings in the run-up to McKevitt's resignation they want to know more details about.

These include a general IRA convention in October 1996 and a joint meeting of the republican group's army council and executive in July 1997. Another meeting of the army council and executive on August 27, 1997, and an extraordinary general army convention at Gweedore, Co Donegal, in October that year have also been highlighted. Finally, it is claimed on October 23, 1997 10 months before Omagh there was a meeting of the IRA's executive, at which McKevitt resigned.

"The legal inquiries indicate these five people who have been subpoenaed were members of the IRA's army council during 1997," a source said.

A spokesman for Mr Adams last night said he had not been made aware of the court summons.

2003-02-08T14:02:00.000-10:00

The political climate is not right at present for a significant move by the IRA, Sinn Fein President Gerry Adams has said.

Addressing party members in Belfast, he said people should not expect the IRA to act unless there is movement from all sides.

There has been some speculation that the IRA will soon make a major move in relation to the Northern Ireland political process.

The British Government has said there is a need for significant "acts of completion" by the IRA.

But this process is about changing all that in a way which will bring an end to all the armed groups

Gerry Adams
Sinn Fein

However, Mr Adams said the current crisis was not about the IRA.

"Does anyone think there will be a movement unless everyone moves? Unless the British Government honours its obligations?" he asked party members on Saturday.

"The current crisis in the peace process is not about the IRA. Of course the existence of the IRA is an affront to its enemies.

"But this process is about changing all that in a way which will bring an end to all the armed groups.

"Can that be achieved by ganging up on republicans, or by making movement towards basic rights conditional on movement by the IRA? Or by punishing Sinn Fein voters and other citizens if the IRA doesn't comply with unionist demands?"

'Restore devolution'

Mr Adams said unionist resistance to change had led to the current crisis in the political process as well as the British Government's unwillingness "to move effectively to deal with the problem".

"It is apparent that the British Government are pursuing a strategy whereby the survival of David Trimble as leader of the UUP is more important that the survival of the Agreement itself," he said.

The republican movement have a decision to take and they have to take that decision fairly quickly

David Trimble
UUP leader

However, Mr Trimble said it was action by republicans which was needed to end the political impasse.

Speaking on BBC's Inside Politics, he said: "The obstacle to full implementation is continued paramilitary activity."

He said there had been little progress towards resolving the crisis as the republican movement "have not had the courage to take the decisions they should have taken years ago".

"The game is up - the game of playing politics by day and other things by night is over - that has to be over, that is what has to happen, lets have no beating about the bush about this.

"The republican movement have a decision to take and they have to take that decision fairly quickly."

On Thursday, Sinn Fein's Martin McGuinness said movement by the government on issues such as demilitarisation was not required before a wide-ranging deal to restore devolution can be achieved.

Mr McGuinness told the BBC a deal involving a move from the IRA was possible if everyone moved together.

Tony Blair is to meet Bertie Ahern for talks in NI next week

SDLP leader Mark Durkan said there was an expectation from the United States that the republican movement had the room and capacity to move towards a bold initiative.

Prime Minister Tony Blair and Bertie Ahern are to meet in Northern Ireland next week for talks that are being seen as a key part of the sequencing.

Northern Ireland's political institutions were suspended over allegations of IRA activity including intelligence gathering at Stormont.

Following the collapse of power-sharing, current legislation dictates that the British and Irish Governments must hold a review of the implementation of the Good Friday Agreement on which devolution was based.

But unless some common ground can be found between the parties on how to proceed, there is no mechanism for reinstating Northern Ireland's government.

Both the British and Irish Governments have stressed that there will be no renegotiation of the Agreement.

2003-02-05T08:48:00.000-10:00

Visiting councillors not told of Sellafield leak

Sinn Féin councillors Martin Meehan and Willie Clarke, representig Antrim and Down, were part of a delegation of councillors visiting the Sellafield Nuclear Plant last week when a lithium nitrate leak led to workers in part of the plant being evacuated. The Sinn Féin councillors were among eight councillors who were visiting the Cumbrian plant on Wednesday 22 January in a visit organised by the Six-County Local Government Association (NILGA).

Unsurprisingly, they subsequently called for the closure of the plant and the end of dumping of nuclear waste in the Irish Sea.

Meehan told An Phoblacht the delegation was only informed the next day about the incident. "We were told we were not in any danger, but to be honest I'm far from convinced. It makes our calls for the closure of this plant even stronger, given the fact that a leak actually occurred when we were there".

Sellafield employees told Meehan that less than two weeks before the delegation arrived at Sellafield, a worker at the nuclear site had died due to a fall and that his body had to be decontaminated before being removed from the plant.

Meehan said he demanded reassurances for his constituents, who blame Sellafield for high cancer levels.

"Despite such occurrences at the plant, the Public Relations team at Sellafield continue to push a very hard line that the plant is super safe. But the facts keep showing an entirely different picture.

"This plant must close and the concerns of the Irish people must be addressed by the British government."

2003-02-04T08:56:00.000-10:00

Name change to proceed

DERRY City Council today began the process of changing the city's official name from Londonderry to Derry.

At the same time unionist parties joined forces to launch a campaign against the name change.

A cross-party delegation of unionist councillors asked for an urgent meeting with the Northern Ireland Office after last night's vote by Derry City Council.

Nationalist councillors are to meet with the Town Clerk and Chief Executive Cathal Logue later this week to discuss the implementation of the name change plan.

An impact assessment on the request is now to be carried out which is likely to include community relations and equality issues.

There was confusion today, however, over whether the controversy will be dealt with by Secretary of State Paul Murphy in the first instance or Environment Minister Angela Smith.

As the name of Londonderry was granted by Royal Charter it will eventually arrive at Buckingham Palace for ratification.

But council sources believe that it is the Prime Minister who will eventually have to rubber stamp the change.

Suspended Environment Minister Dermot Nesbitt said the motivation behind the motion was attempted "cultural homogeneity".

"Of course people call it Derry, in the same way they call Carrickfergus Carrick or Newtownards Ards. The motivation behind it is to remove all things British."

The DUP's Gregory Campbell said unionist councillors from all parties were seeking a meeting with the NIO.

"There are a series of hoops to go through. What will happen remains to be seen, in particular the SDLP who don't seem to want to grapple with this.

"The whole raison d'etre of the SDLP has been that majorities should not proceed without the consent of minorities: are they going to change that now over the name?"

The historic co-proposed motion was put before a meeting of the council last night, after days of negotiations between the two largest parties on the council. After an extended adjournment the SDLP and Sinn Fein put forward an agreed motion, without the support of unionists, calling for the name change.

The motion was passed stating that Londonderry should no longer be singularly imposed as the official or legal name of the city and a single official name is to be agreed.

However, everyone will have the right to use the name of their choosing, be it Derry, Londonderry or (the Irish version) Doire in any official documentation to government and statutory bodies. These agencies must respect the chosen designation on any documentation they issue.

Mr Campbell led the attack on the motion after a unionist ammendment failed.

"We will be making representations to the Northern Ireland Office and Buckingham Palace to try to ensure some reasoned proposition prevails rather than a totally nationalist agenda," he said.

Last minute negotiations to get cross-party agreement went "very very close," according to SDLP Councillor Pat Ramsay.

Responding to criticisms from Alderman Campbell that an adjournment should have been called if agreement was so close. Mr Ramsay said Sinn Fein would not have allowed a further deferral of the issue.

He added "This is not a name change as such. We are returning to the city its original name."

Sinn Fein Councillor Barney O'Hagan, who brought forward the original motion in November, claimed the overwhelming majority of the people of the city agreed it should be officially renamed Derry.

2003-02-02T07:20:00.000-10:00

Catholics 'less than 25%' of PNSI new recruits

Catholics made up less than a quarter of successful applicants in a new
recruitment drive for Northern Ireland's reformed police service, it was
claimed today.

With strict 50:50 religious employment guidelines in place, hardline
unionists insisted hundreds of Protestants regarded as officer material had
been rejected.

Sammy Wilson, a Democratic Unionist member of the Policing Board, declared:
"It is absolutely perverse that twice as many Protestants get turned away as
Catholics who are accepted."

New figures show that in the fourth recruitment process for the Police
Service of Northern Ireland 748 candidates made it through, Mr Wilson said.

Out of these 180 were Catholic.

2003-01-29T12:53:00.000-10:00

Republicans await Blair response

Will McGuinness and Adams persuade the IRA?

BBC NI security editor Brian Rowan examines some of the signals coming from
the behind-the-scenes negotiations that are going on in an effort to achieve
a political breakthrough in Northern Ireland.
They are the men who have changed the IRA and, soon, they could be called
upon to try to persuade it to take its biggest ever steps in the peace
process.

Gerry Adams and Martin McGuinness have been waiting to hear from Tony
Blair - waiting for his response to a 57 page document which Sinn Fein gave
the British Government just before Christmas.

It details, from a republican perspective, the "acts of completion" they
expect of the British prime minister across a range of issues, including
policing, demilitarisation, human rights and equality, and on-the-runs -
republican suspects still wanted by the police.

A response on the main issues is expected soon and, based on that, Adams and
McGuinness will decide whether they are in a position to go to the IRA.

Security bases will be a key issue
"We are not at the point yet where anyone could say this is the definitive
package from the British Government," a senior Sinn Fein source told me.

"There is a hope - an expectation - that we could see all of that within the
next week to ten days, but we wouldn't be surprised if we don't," he added.

On the government side, there is a view that Blair is prepared to be
"radical" but only if the IRA does what is required of it.

Being radical will mean the most significant steps yet to scale down the
British Army presence in Northern Ireland.

There is a willingness to demolish and remove the controversial watchtowers
in border areas including south Armagh and, according to one security
source, that could all happen very quickly:

"The government wants to get it sorted before they go war," he told me, in a
reference to the anticipated conflict in Iraq.

'Withdrawal'

However, another source said the time imperative was to do with the
scheduled May election in Northern Ireland and nothing to do with war
concerns.

Another source believes republicans will attempt to sell the
demilitarisation moves as "a British withdrawal", but "it isn't that," he
told me.

However it is sold, republicans now accept that important security moves -
the most significant moves yet - are being planned, but they have a concern
that there is not the same focus on other crucial issues:

"There is almost a sense that if the Brits do something big on
demilitarisation, that could clinch it," one source told me.

But he added: "Policing has to be the big issue on the radar screen."

The two critical matters that Sinn Fein would identify at this time would be
the future of police Special Branch and the issue of authority within
policing and finding the right balance between the Policing Board, the chief
constable and the secretary of state.

The devolution of policing and criminal justice into the Northern Ireland
Executive has now become a more important issue in the background talks
involving the the British and Irish Governments and the other key political
players.

Security assessment

This week the nationalist SDLP tabled its proposals for the closure of
police and army bases and for quicker movement towards a routinely unarmed
police service.

It has also asked Chief Constable Hugh Orde to make a fresh security
assessment to facilitate their proposals and also to enable further moves on
demilitarisation.

But any assessment that Orde makes will depend on what the IRA is prepared
to offer as a result of the continuing negotiations and, at this time, that
is still not clear.

Chief Constable Hugh Orde
Sources say Adams and McGuinness were told in Downing Street before
Christmas that IRA activity has to end.

"How that is done, is a matter for the IRA," the source told me.

Republican sources have made clear that the IRA considers demands for
disbandment, or a standing down of the organisation, to fall within what has
been described as the "unrealisable and unrealistic ultimatum", but that is
not to say that further IRA moves are not possible.

There has been speculation that it could expand on its "complete cessation
of military operations" to include other activities such as intelligence
gathering, that it could make its most significant move yet on
decommissioning and that Sinn Fein could move to endorse the new policing
arrangements.

Orde has made clear on numerous occasions that he wants to see Sinn Fein on
the new Policing Board.

Internal problems

And there is even some political gossip now that the chief constable and
Gerry Adams could have a "chance encounter" in Washington during the St
Patrick's Day celebrations there.

That may or may not happen but whenever Sinn Fein signs up for policing that
is going to cause internal problems for Orde.

"Most officers will know colleagues who have suffered at the hands of the
IRA in the past," one police source told me.

"Now those officers will have to form working relationships with Sinn Fein
both on the Policing Board and the District Partnerships. That's not going
to be easy," he added.

That is assuming that Sinn Fein is about to take the policing plunge but, at
this stage, that is far from guaranteed.

Adams and McGuinness will want to see the fine detail of any British offer
before they go to the IRA and then there is the issue of can republicans
deliver enough to make the unionists want to play?

In the background, the game is still on - a game which is rapidly reaching
its most crucial and interesting phase and there is little room for extra
time.

The key players still believe a deal is possible, but by no means certain.

2003-01-27T08:02:00.000-10:00

Heath denies responibility for Derry deaths

Former British Prime Minister Edward Heath today insisted he was not responsible for the deaths of 13 civil rights protesters on Bloody Sunday nearly 31 years ago.

Giving evidence to the inquiry into the shootings by the British army in the Bogside area of Derry on January 30 1972, Heath also refused to issue a fresh apology for what happened.

Instead, the 86-year-old politician reiterated the "intense regret" he expressed at the time of the killings and said he stood by the findings of the first investigation into the events.

Lord Widgery's 1972 report largely exonerated the paratroopers who opened fire on the protesters, leading to complaints of a "whitewash" by survivors and relatives of the dead.

Michael Mansfield QC, acting for three of the victims' families, asked Mr Heath whether he had ever accepted that all those who died were members of the IRA, as had been suggested.

The former Conservative premier said he did not accept that they were and stated that he had never asked himself since how the paratroopers came to shoot what Mr Mansfield called "13 innocent people".

In a heated exchange at the inquiry, sitting in central London, Mr Mansfield asked Mr Heath: "Do you accept any responsibility for the deaths?"

Mr Heath: "No."

Mr Mansfield: "Why is it that you do not accept any responsibility?"

Mr Heath: "Because I had no responsibility for it ... I have expressed my intense regret, which I did at the beginning.

"That continues and I fully appreciate the pain and the grief caused to their parents and their relatives."

Mr Mansfield suggested that Mr Heath had "shut off or evaded responsibility" for the events of Bloody Sunday, for which he was ultimately responsible as head of the British government.

But Mr Heath said that soldiers in the province at that time were accountable to their immediate superiors in the forces there and the Northern Irish administration at Stormont.

He accepted they were then accountable through the General Chief of Staff to Whitehall and ultimately the British government, but that on some occasions, the Army took unauthorised action.

Mr Mansfield, who argued that Mr Heath's government did have responsibilities for security in the country at the time, asked: "The policy within which the British army was operating in the north of Ireland was the responsibility ultimately of the British government, was it not?"

Mr Heath replied: "No... The reason was, as we have learned since, that the action taken by part of the army was not in fact agreed or approved by those above them."

This included the conditions under which soldiers could fire weapons in relation to Bloody Sunday, he told the hearing.

Mr Heath was given time to consider these "unauthorised actions" and is expected to be questioned on them in detail tomorrow.

Earlier, the inquiry heard from a former Parachute Regiment officer on crowd control duty that day who said their superiors told them to expect violence, including the possibility of petrol bombers and snipers.

Another officer, a lieutenant in the Coldstream Guards, claimed the IRA was using the civil rights demonstration and peaceful protesters as "cover" to kill and maim members of the British security services.

The paratroopers were justified in firing on the protesters in self-defence because they were fired upon first by snipers and nail bombers, he claimed.

Mr Mansfield put it to Mr Heath that senior army officers knew there was a "serious risk" that innocent civilians might get shot and killed if violence broke out on the march.

"The question is: they all knew. If they knew that they would have to come to you and you would have to know," suggested Mr Mansfield.

But Mr heathsaid: "They did not have to come to me and they did not come to me."

Nothing was agreed "behind locked doors" and any suggestion it had been was "absolutely false", he added.

The hearing was adjourned until tomorrow.

2003-01-25T21:09:00.000-10:00

IAUC CONDEMNS DEATH THREATS AGAINST PRIEST

The Irish American Unity Conference condemns the recent death threats
against Fr. Aidan Troy, Chairman of the Board of Governors at Holy Cross
Primary School in Ardoyne, Belfast and calls upon the American and British
Governments to issue public condemnations of these intimidations.

Fr. Troy has received two serious death threats since the discovery of a pipe
bomb at Holy Cross Girls' Primary School on January 6, 2003.
Through the media, the loyalist Red Hand Defenders claimed
responsibility for planting the bomb and called for the permanent
closing of the school, ". . . or face the consequences." The most
recent death threat was delivered by the Police Service of Northern Ireland
(PSNI) acting on intelligence. Police informed the courageous priest, who
shepherded the Holy Cross pupils through a violent, twelve-week long loyalist
protest at their school, that he was to be killed within two days.

Speaking to the Forum for Peace and Reconciliation held earlier this
week in Dublin, Fr. Troy insisted that, "The [Holy Cross] Board of
Governors will not and will never take its agenda from people who make
those type of remarks." Insisting as well that, "It takes only one sick mind
or a perverted person to create fear, intimidation and a form of terrorism,"
Fr. Troy does not blame the people of Ardoyne's loyalist Glenbryn community
for the threats.

From whatever source, death threats against an innocent priest must be
taken seriously. As in the case of Rosemary Nelson before her tragic
murder, clear and distinct warnings have been issued that a specific
life is in danger. The death threats against Fr. Aidan Troy have been
thoroughly documented in the media, on police records and by
Irish-American activists in the United States. The Irish American Unity
Conference calls upon the government and security forces of Northern Ireland
to take action before another life is lost. Even as Fr. Troy continues to
protect his Holy Cross family, so must he be protected from intimidation,
harassment and assassination.

2003-01-23T11:30:00.000-10:00

Abusive Loyalists Dislocate Catholics
By Brendan Anderson

ANOTHER seven families have been forced from their north Belfast homes as internal feuding continues to decimate the North’s largest paramilitary group, the Ulster Defense Association (UDA).

Extra police and soldiers were drafted into the Glenbryn Avenue area after shots were fired into houses and at lease one door kicked in as a crowd of UDA supporters shouted abuse. The intimidated families, deemed by their opponents to be supporters of Johnny “Mad Dog” Adair, were taken by the local housing authority to hotels and guest houses until they can be re-housed in other areas. The abandoned homes were immediately boarded up.

The feud between the mainstream UDA and Adair’s west Belfast-based faction has already seen two lives, numerous woundings and the eviction of dozens of families.

Adair — until recently brigadier of the UDA in west Belfast and commander of the notorious C Company of the Ulster Freedom Fighters, the extremist wing of the UDA — was freed from prison under the Good Friday Agreement’s early release clause but has twice been returned to jail for his part in different feuds.

He is currently fighting a legal battle after being arrested and ordered to serve out his sentence which does not expire until 2005. On Friday he was granted permission by Belfast High Court to seek a judicial review of his imprisonment.

But even in prison it appears that Adair is not safe. On Monday he was moved, for his own safety according to prison authorities, to a section of the jail normally occupied by women. Adair is also reported to be taking legal action in a bid to end his enforced isolation.

2003-01-22T08:32:00.000-10:00

Sinn Fein hints at shift in stance

Sinn Fein tonight hinted the party could shift its position in the North's peace process if British Prime Minister Tony Blair met demands for more policing reforms and the scaling down of Army watchtowers.

As the Prime Minister prepared for a crucial meeting at Downing Street tomorrow with the Taoiseach Bertie Ahern, Sinn Fein chief negotiator Martin McGuinness said republicans would be prepared to respond positively if the British government shouldered its responsibilities under the Good Friday Agreement.

As Unionists continued to demand the emptying of IRA arms dumps and an end to paramilitary activity, the mid-Ulster MP said Mr Blair was "up for acts of completion all round.

"We're for that also.

"I have not heard or seen anything from the British government which would indicate the British Prime Minister is up for acts of completion on policing, demilitarisation, human rights and equality.

"Maybe in the aftermath of tomorrow's meeting, we will hear a different tune being sung and if that is the case, I think all of us will be able to rise to that challenge."

Sinn Fein has billed tomorrow's meeting between Mr Blair and Mr Ahern as the most important one in the peace process for 20 years.

The Prime Minister and the Taoiseach are expected to analyse discussions so far with the Northern Ireland parties and map out a way to revive devolution.

British and Irish government sources tonight were being cautious about the ability to satisfy unionist demands for an end to paramilitary activity and nationalist demands for the full implementation of the Agreement.

"A lot of ideas have been kicking around from the parties," one source observed.

"What the Prime Ministers will be trying to do is find a way over the coming months to move the process forward."

Republicans have demanded that there must be movement on further policing reforms, the scaling down of Army watchtowers and operations as well as the implementation of human rights and equality aspects of the Good Friday Agreement if the paramilitary issue is to be successfully addressed.

They are also anxious to secure guarantees that the political institutions created by the Good Friday Agreement, including North-South arrangements between Northern Ireland and the Irish Republic will never be pulled down.

However, with assembly elections looming, there is also concern in all quarters about whether Ulster Unionist leader David Trimble, facing a stiff challenge from the Rev Ian Paisley's Democratic Unionists, will be able to carry his party in endorsing any deal.

The bottom line for the Ulster Unionist party has been that the issue of an end to paramilitary activity by the IRA must be addressed.

Mr Ahern was tonight meeting the leader of the nationalist SDLP Mark Durkan in Dublin as part of a series of meetings in the run-up to his summit with Mr Blair.

Mr Durkan said before the meeting that he would like the two governments to act "with determination and live up to the promises and spirit of the Good Friday Agreement.

"I would like to see them underpin its full and further implementation but I recognise, of course, that that involves responsibility for all of us and not just them."

2003-01-22T07:48:00.000-10:00

Finucane: MI5 link is probed
New papers in collusion case widen scope

DETECTIVES investigating loyalist collusion in the murder of Pat Finucane have widened their probe to include MI5 operations.

The disclosure means the full spread of state intelligence agencies in Northern Ireland - the police, Army and security service - are being scrutinised by the Stevens Inquiry.

The extension of the inquiry may be linked to the recent discovery of "a massive amount of documentation" revealed by Sir John Stevens, the Metropolitan Police Commissioner who has investigated collusion over 14 years.

He revealed the MI5 links in an interview earlier this week.

Sir John said that he and his detectives "are investigating not just the Army, and what was the RUC, but MI5 activity as well".

"It goes to the very heart of what takes place in terms of intelligence gathering in this country," he told The Guardian newspaper.

Both the Army and RUC Special Branch were known to have agents in the UDA gang that murdered Mr Finucane in his north Belfast home in 1989.

But there has been no previous indication of a direct MI5 link to the collusion probe.

In fact, MI5 operations in Northern Ireland were once thought to be the immediate beneficiaries of the Stevens Inquiry.

Heavy criticism of Army Intelligence and Special Branch - combined with other developments, like the Castlereagh break-in - was expected to leave MI5 in a position to become the dominant intelligence agency in Northern Ireland.

The new direction of the Stevens probe could change that view by leaving the security service damaged alongside other intelligence agencies.

The discovery of new documents was revealed by Sir John earlier this month. He told an audience in New York: "It is fascinating, isn't it? That 12, 13 years on we are still actually finding new stuff.

"The question has to be asked: why is that? The answer to that must be: people didn't co-operate from day one properly the way they should have, and I will be making a comment about that quite strongly."

Sir John's report, originally due last summer, is expected to be delayed again by the need to explore the new documentation.

He has indicated that he will file an interim report in April, and has said he and Hugh Orde, the PSNI Chief Constable who was involved in the inquiry, will be recommending new charges when the Stevens Report is submitted to the Director of Public Prosecutions.

The 14th anniversary of the Finucane murder will take place next month. At that stage his family is expected to renew their push for a full judicial inquiry.

Sir John has also indicated high-level opposition to his investigation.

"The ends that people are prepared to go to, to actually thwart this inquiry, are extraordinary," he said.

2003-01-22T07:39:00.000-10:00

Fighting Irish say "no" to English
By Michael Roddy

DUBLIN (Reuters) - Determined to repel an invasion of the English language,
a local authority has proposed a ban on home building by non-Irish speakers
in a scenic coastal area of western Ireland.
The council wants the ban to apply to a 60-mile (100 km) stretch of
Connemara coastline from Barna to Carna, near the booming city of Galway.
Subject to public consultation, the ban could become law in April or May and
be the first in the republic's history,
Despite concerns about its legality, practicality and whether it might be
discriminatory, the ban, or some such measure, has strong support in what is
known as the "Gaeltacht", or Irish-speaking area, which is predominantly in
the west.
"We have to do all we can to protect the language," Galway County councillor
Connie ni Fhtharta told Reuters on Wednesday.
The ban stems from age-old efforts by Irish speakers to protect their
language, which the English severely discouraged under colonial rule. Strong
economic and social pressures keep English the dominant tongue, although
Irish is the first official language.
Irish is closely related to other surviving Celtic languages including:
Scottish Gaelic, Manx, Welsh and Cornish.
It is estimated that while a million of Ireland's 3.9 million citizens say
they "have the Irish", only 100,000 are fluent.
"I have lived in this area for 50 years and I have seen the language become
redundant," said Connemara-based councillor Pol O Foighil, a septuagenarian
spearheading the ban.
"Part of the reason for that is the influx of English speakers into the
Gaeltacht area," Foighil said.
The coastline where the ban would take effect is near Galway, one of the
fastest growing cities in Europe. It has attracted a big influx of Irish and
foreigners, lured by the Connemara scenery and the booming economy.
"If we allowed this trend to continue, it would only be a matter of time --
maybe 20 or 30 years -- before the Irish language would be completely gone,"
Foighil said.
The government has sought to encourage Irish speaking with a massive effort
that includes state-funded Irish-language radio and television broadcasts,
mandatory Irish instruction in schools and moving government offices to
Irish-speaking areas.
But it is an uphill fight.
"If you consider that in the vast majority of places in Ireland, because of
all the major occupation of the English, almost the whole country had turned
to English, it's surprising anyone in the country speaks Irish," said one
government source.
As one of the most drastic measures, the housing ban has raised concerns
about its legality and discrimination.
Minister for Culture, Rural And Gaeltacht Affairs Eamonn O'Cuiv, who is from
Galway and is an active proponent of Irish speaking, said he thought the
measure might be going too far.
"I have a gut feeling that when the councillors look at this again that they
will amend it in some way," O'Cuiv told state broadcaster RTE.
But the proposal has won support even from people living outside the
Irish-speaking areas.
"I don't live in the Gaeltacht," Galway County Council chairman Pat
O'Sullivan told Reuters.
"But councillors there feel very strongly about the language...and nowadays
language and culture are becoming very important to us all."

2003-01-22T07:28:00.000-10:00

Peace Award for Holy Cross Priest

NORTH Belfast priest the Rev Aidan Troy is to receive an award from Corkbased peace movement Prayer Enterprise and Christian Effort (PEACE).

The Ardoyne parish priest, along with his Protestant counterpart the Rev Norman Hamilton, has worked tirelessly to try to resolve the dispute between the warring communities in the area.

Fr Troy said yesterday: "On a personal level, getting this award is embarrassing because Norman Hamilton and I are not the most important people in the world in general.

"But I am delighted that there has been positive recognition for the work we are doing in this area and it can be seen there is middle ground on which we can build.

"Especially after the incident yesterday that was transmitted around the world, which is how people have come to see us. I have had so many phone calls from people from both communities offering their congratulations and support for the work we are doing here.

"People here are working so hard and it's important for the name of Belfast and this area to be seen in a more light."

Sandra Peake, director of WAVE Trauma Centre, a Province-wide organisation that offers support to those bereaved in the Troubles, also received the annual award.

Among the others recognised were the SDLP's Brid Rogers, who will soon retire as Minister for Agriculture and Rural Development, and EU commissioner Chris Patten.

2003-01-22T07:21:00.000-10:00

Dispute school priest 'threatened'

Device left at school was defused by the Army

A Catholic priest caught in the middle of a loyalist protest at a north Belfast school more than a year ago, has received death threats, he said.
Father Aidan Troy, the chairman of the board of governors at Holy Cross Girls' primary school in the Ardoyne area was speaking at the Forum for Peace and Reconciliation in Dublin.

Holy Cross School was at the centre of the protest which made headlines around the world. It ended in November 2001.

Most recent threat relayed to me by the PSNI told me I would be killed within two days

Father Aidan Troy

The three-month protest by loyalist residents at the Ardoyne Protestant-Catholic interface saw pupils of Holy Cross being escorted to and from the school by the security forces on a daily basis.

Father Troy told the forum on Wednesday that police officers had told him twice of threats to his life.

He said: "The most recent threat relayed to me by the PSNI told me I would be killed within two days," he said.

Father Troy also said the placing of a small bomb earlier this month at the school gate had had a "devastating effect" on pupils, with some dropping out of class and others regressing in terms of the therapy they received.

He added: "I do not blame the people of the (loyalist) Glenbryn area for these messages.

"It takes only one sick mind or a perverted person to create fear, intimidation and a form of terrorism."

Father Troy was taking part in a discussion on the problems in the Ardoyne area.

The protest at the school ended after local Protestant residents were promised social improvements and new security measures.

2003-01-21T15:26:00.000-10:00

Fresh sectarian attacks in Antrim

A 21-year-old nationalist man was rushed to Antrim area hospital after he
was seriously assaulted by an LVF gang at around 3am on Sunday 12 January.
The man sustained a broken arm and cuts to his legs and body after being hit
with baseball bats and cudgels studded with nails in the Greystone estate.

Sinn Féin South Antrim councillor Martin Meehan condemned the sectarian
attack and said that an LVF gang of up to 12 men, based in the Ballycraigy
area of the town, were behind that attack.

"Unionist paramilitaries are determined to kill someone and it was only
through sheer luck that this young man wasn't more seriously injured," said
Meehan.

"This gang was able to cruise around the town in a convoy of three cars for
over two hours and not once were they stopped by the PSNI. This is in stark
contrast to the way the PSNI deal with nationalist youths, who are being
harassed at every opportunity by the PSNI in the Antrim area."

Meehan has called on nationalists to be very careful, especially walking
home at night.

The PSNI have said they are treating the attack as attempted murder.

Meanwhile, it has emerged that Translink workers at Antrim bus depot have
been protecting Catholic schoolchildren from sectarian assaults by loyalist
youths.

The schoolchildren, who attend St Olcan's school in Randalstown, have to
transfer to other buses at Antrim depot and are frequently besieged by what
Martin Meehan described as "unionist hate mobs", sometimes over 30-strong.

The schoolchildren have to be brought in by the back entrance to the depot
and Translink workers have to wait with the children until their connecting
bus arrives. Drivers have developed a protective system of parking buses
within inches of each other so that the schoolchildren just move from one
bus to the other.

Meehan told An Phoblacht that he has been approached by a number of parents
who want these sectarian attacks on their children stopped.

"We had similar attacks at Ballymena bus station and now they have spread to
Antrim station," he said. "These parents just want their children to be
allowed to go home in peace and not be attacked by these sectarian bigots. I
call on unionist politicians to act to put a stop to this immediately," said
Meehan.

2003-01-11T08:09:00.000-10:00

Replica famine vessel crosses divide

By Michael McHugh Belfast telegraph 11th January 2003.
http://www.belfasttelegraph.co.uk/news/story.jsp?story=368378

A SHIP built and sailed by local volunteers will visit Belfast this month
before leaving for America.

The Jeanie Johnston, built in Tralee, was backed by the International Fund
for Ireland and local politicians as a way of encouraging cross-community
and cross-border ties.

Designed to recreate the conditions of the famine ships which left Ireland
in the 1840s, the vessel will arrive in Belfast on Friday, heading for
Waterford on January 21.

The ship, which was in financial difficulties earlier this year, will be
manned by 40 volunteer crew members who pay for their passage.

There will be a civic reception hosted by the Lord Mayor at the City Hall
and the ship, which will be moored at Queen's Quay, will be open to visitors
on the Saturday and Sunday. It costs £4 for adults and £2 for children.

Belfast City Council are sponsoring four young people from east and north
Belfast to help sail the craft from Dublin to Belfast. It leaves Dublin on
Tuesday.

Fiona McIlvenna, a member of north Belfast's Newington Youth Group, is
participating in the voyage and said she was excited to be taking part in
the project.

"It will be good to experience first-hand what it was like for people in the
past aboard ships like the Jeanie Johnston," she said.

"It is a thrill to know it is an exact replica of a 'famine' ship. I am
looking forward to working with and learning from the crew and meeting with
people from such varied backgrounds."

Denis Reem, the chief executive of the project, said he was glad the ship
was visiting Belfast.

"I think it is essential that the ship visits Belfast. It was built as a
famine replica vessel and a ship of peace," he said.

"That is why John Hume and David Ervine have involved themselves. We are
using young people from both sides of the political divide and hope some
reconciliation is possible through the project.

"The ship was conceived as a Millennium project in recognition of the impact
the famine had."

Named after an actual famine vessel which sank in 1858, the Jeanie should
arrive in North America in April and will visit the Irish emigrant
destinations of Quebec, St John, Boston, New York, Philadelphia, Baltimore,
and Washington DC.

The project was initially budgeted at £10m and the EU, the Republic's
government and private donors helped raise the finances, which ran
significantly over budget.

Belfast Lord Mayor Alex Maskey said the ship held great potential for
building relations among young people and teaching them new skills.

"It's a wonderful opportunity to remind people of Belfast's maritime history
while allowing them the chance to see the conditions under which their
ancestors may have left Ireland," he said.

Life on board floating 'bowl of tears'

THE original Jeanie Johnston made its maiden voyage on April 24, 1848, at
the height of the Famine.

It completed 16 trips to North America, carrying over 2,500 wretched
refugees before ceasing service in 1858.

The coffin ships took up to 40 days to reach their destinations in the New
World.

The Atlantic was known as the "bowl of tears" because of the number of Irish
who died on the trip.

Londonderry was the main embarkation point in Ulster for travellers, but
many went to Liverpool before beginning their transatlantic passage.

The Jeanie is currently docked in Dublin, just a few hundred yards from the
Famine memorial, which depicts several stick-thin figures, one carrying a
sick child strapped across his back onto the ship.

Passengers on the ship lay six to a six-foot square bunk, with beds stacked
on top of each other. There were up to 250 people on board.

They were often violently seasick.

On board there are life-size models of emigrants lying on the bunks.
Visitors can see and hear the raking cough of a woman suffering the onset of
cholera.

The largest group of travellers was made up of single women under the age of
30.

There was no separation of the sexes and disease spread like wild-fire.

Astonishingly, no-one ever died on board, a testimony to the talents of the
ship's doctor, Richard Blennerhasset, who died of cholera himself in 1854.

2003-01-10T12:31:00.000-10:00

Johnny Adair could be kept in prison until 2005

The loyalist paramilitary leader, Johnny Adair, has been arrested and
returned to prison.
It is understood he was arrested at his home in Belfast's lower Shankill
area on Friday afternoon.

The Secretary of State, Paul Murphy, has revoked his licence on police
advice and he can now be held in Maghaberry jail until 2005.

Mr Murphy said he was satisfied that Adair was a danger to others and while
he is at liberty was likely to commit further offences.

On the basis of security information available to me, I have decided to
return Johnny Adair to prison

2003-01-09T17:02:00.000-10:00

McGuinness says negotiations most important ever

Sinn Fein's Martin McGuinness has predicted that some of the most important negotiations in the history of the Northern Ireland peace process will take place over the coming two months.

Speaking after talks with British Prime Minister Tony Blair, Mr McGuinness said: "This is the beginning, I think, of a real dialogue and negotiations which will take place over what could be the most critical six to eight weeks we have seen in the history of the last 30 years and even the last 80 to 90 years."

Sinn Fein leader Gerry Adams, meanwhile, called on the British government to produce a plan for the implementation of outstanding parts of the Good Friday Agreement. He hinted that such a plan could create the context for forward movement by the IRA.

2003-01-06T10:48:00.000-10:00

Irish language 'on the brink of extinction'
By Vivion Kilfeather

The Irish language is on the brink of extinction unless radical measures are taken to arrest its decline, a study published today reveals. Less than a quarter of those in the Gaeltacht are now speaking Irish fluently, according to the study. It points out that fluent speakers have fallen from 250,000 over 80 years ago to under 30,000 today.

The data suggests that only 25% of the country's Gaeltacht communities can claim Irish is the main language of most families.

The findings are highlighted in an analysis of Government statistics on Irish language by Galway/Mayo Institute of Technology lecturer Donncha O hEallaithe for the weekly Irish language newspaper Foinse.

Only 25% of households in Gaeltacht areas were judged in the school year 2001/02 by Department of the Gaeltacht officials to have a fluency in Irish. The analysis also shows that the number of Irish-speaking families with schoolchildren in the four Gaeltacht counties of Mayo, Cork, Waterford and Meath has fallen to 153 households in total.

In these counties Irish is on the brink of extinction, the report says.

The same is true for large areas of the other Gaeltacht counties of Galway, Donegal and Kerry.

Each year officials from the Department of the Gaeltacht interview children in Gaeltacht schools whose families apply for a 260 grant, available under Scaim Labhairt na Gaeilge (SLG). The full grant is available on an annual basis to families with school-going children, who use Irish as their first language at home. A grant of 130 is given to parents whose children would not have the required level of fluency.

Data for the school year of 2001/02 shows that, of 8,613 families in the Gaeltacht, only 2,143 of them were using Irish as a first language under the scheme.

Mr O hEallaithe said it was imperative that the Government reviewed the boundaries of the Gaeltacht as soon as possible so that it was only areas which were genuinely Irish-speaking that were officially recognised. He said it was an indictment of successive Irish governments that, at the foundation of the state 80 years ago, there were 250,000 fluent Irish speakers living in Irish-speaking or semi-Irish-speaking areas. That number was now between 20,000 and 30,000.

He said the language policy in the Gaeltacht had been a complete disaster. Unless radical protective measures were taken, the few remaining Irish speaking communities were in danger of facing extinction within the next 10 to 20 years

The Irish Examiner

2003-01-06T08:34:00.000-10:00

Loyalists behind dispute school bomb

Army bomb experts defused the device

Loyalist paramilitaries have said they planted a pipe bomb device which was found at a north Belfast school, which was at the centre of a loyalist protest.
The device, which was discovered at Holy Cross Girls' Primary School shortly after 0800 GMT on Monday, was made safe by Army bomb disposal experts.

In a statement the Red Hand Defenders - a cover name used in the past by the Ulster Defence Association - said they left the device at the gates of the school.

Children made their way to the school on the Ardoyne Road using an alternative entrance.

Father Aidan Troy, from the school's board of governors, said it was "very disappointing that the new term at Holy Cross has started off in this way".

It very fortunate that the pipe bomb was discovered early this morning before any of the children had arrived at the school

Father Aidan Troy
Holy Cross governor

He said that it was "very fortunate that the pipe bomb was discovered early this morning before any of the children had arrived at the school".

Sinn Fein assembly member Gerry Kelly said:"The New Year has only begun and already we have a disgraceful attack on children by some faction of the UDA."

SDLP assembly member Alban Maginness described the attack as "completely cowardly".

"The repeated targeting of innocent children is simply vile and nothing can be gained from it," he said.

"It is saddening that when the situation had finally calmed down some people have taken it upon themselves to fan the flames of sectarian hatred in north Belfast."

Holy Cross School was at the centre of the protest which ended in November 2001.

The three-month protest by loyalist residents at the Ardoyne interface saw pupils of Holy Cross being escorted to and from the school by the security forces on a daily basis.

It ended after local Protestant residents were promised social improvements and new security measures.

Life on either side of the north Belfast interface is revealed in two documentaries for BBC Northern Ireland.

2003-01-06T08:30:00.000-10:00

Bomb Planted at Holy Cross
Terror for pupils as device is left on school gates

By Claire Regan

NORTH Belfast's beleaguered Holy Cross Primary School was at the centre of a fresh crisis today after a pipe bomb was found strapped to the school gates.

A number of frightened children were kept away from the first day of the new school term amid fears of heightening tensions after the unexploded device was left outside the Catholic girls' school.

A major security alert was sparked on the contentious Ardoyne Road shortly after 8.30am when police discovered the device taped to the premise's front entrance.

Children arriving at the school, located at the heart of the loyalist Glenbryn Estate, were diverted through a back entrance where they made their way to class.

Teachers had to keep the youngsters to the back of the school as Army technical officers moved in and sealed off the road from Wheatfield Gardens to Glenbryn Gardens.

A police spokeswoman confirmed later that the Army officers had made safe what they "believed to be a pipe bomb type device".

"A number of items have been removed for for examination," the spokeswoman added.

The operation was completed and the area re-opened before 11am.

Chairman of the board of governors, Father Aiden Troy - who steered the school through the loyalist protests crisis - said the school was now facing an uncertain future.

"I am hugely disappointed at today's events," he said.

"I'm not even angry, just disappointed that all the good work of the last term has been thrown into question.

"There were a number of children who did not come to school at all today because of the situation, but those who did coped very well.

"They were kept to the back of the school and away from the operation, but they knew in their hearts that something wasn't quite right.

"This only serves to remind us how far we have to travel and how much work there is still to do.

"I don't blame any community for this incident. It is obviously the work of a small element who are determined to stoke up tensions. I don't think they will succeed in that, but there is now uncertainty over the way ahead."

Principal Anne Tanney said she was "extremely saddened".

"The school was very much business as usual both during and after the operation but I am extremely saddened that it happened.

"I am disappointed that the first school day of the New Year had been marred in this way for the children, but I am hopeful that this will be a year of peace and reconciliation."

Holy Cross hit headlines in 2001 during the three-month long loyalist picket, when the schoolgirls had to be escorted by their parents to school amid a heavy security presence, or by an alternative route.

The loyalist residents took the protest action in response to what they claimed was daily harassment from nationalists in the area

2003-01-05T11:42:00.000-10:00

Adair stands down deputy after row

UFF warlord Johnny Adair has stood down his second-in-command after a
blazing row about the 'Mad Dog's' drugs empire.

UDA hardman Mo Courtney is the latest Adair aide to have a bust-up with the
Shankill faction chief.

In recent weeks, the tyrannical loyalist leader has either stood down or
forced a number of his staunchest supporters to flee his Shankill stomping
ground.

The latest clash leaves Adair without an experienced second-in-command, as
his simmering feud with the UDA's Inner Council continues spill over into
further violence.

Loyalist sources within the UDA's Shankill Road "C" Company, said the
fallout happened last week and centred on Adair's increasing drug-dealing
activities.

Sources say Courtney had objected to the way Adair was using his "runners"
on the Shankill to sell the hardcore drug cocaine, at a number of rave
locations in Belfast.

"Johnny is getting a supply of cocaine from the Ballymena area and is
bringing it into Belfast, where he resells it through a number of different
outlets across the city.

"There is big money to be made from the sale of cocaine", said the C Company
source.

"There was a blazing row, after his number two objected to the way the drug
was being pushed - and the profits split.

"We were told Johnny suddenly flipped, and told him to eff off out of it.
Now he is on his own without an experienced number two."

The source said loyalists were now importing substantial quantities of
cocaine into Ballymena from Scotland.

He said Glasgow crime bosses had been only too eager to sell hardcore drugs
to what they saw as a developing loyalist market, in Northern Ireland.

According to the source, Adair's ditching of the last of his formerly
trusted associates was typical of the loyalist leader's mood swings.

Adair's unpredictable temper has left him with a shortage of experienced men
whom he could rely on, in the event of an escalation of the feud.

Meanwhile, community activists and groups in the Shankill area are planning
to stage a major rally to protest at the increased drug trafficking by local
paramilitary organisations.

It is understood that the protest will not involve any local politicians or
MLAs who, the organisers said, merely hijacked such events to promote their
own agendas.

.

2003-01-05T11:39:00.000-10:00

Feud victim quizzed over child hookers

LOYALIST feud victim Roy Green was a drug-dealing gangster who ran a child
prostitution ring in south Belfast.

Green - murdered by former UFF comrades last week because he was suspected
of 'touting' to Johnny Adair - cashed in on schoolgirl hookers he ruled
through terror.

The UDA man was investigated by social services over claims he ran a brothel
in Belfast's Village area, using girls as young as 14.

The matter was also brought to the attention of the police's Child Abuse and
Rape Enquiry unit, but Green was never charged.

Loyalist sources say Green also ran a child vice den from a house in Roden
Street.

They claim the teenage hookers were enthralled by Green and were later too
terrified to complain to police.

Green carried some clout in south Belfast, where his brother Charlie had
been the UDA's second-in-command.

Roy Green, 32, had been a popular figure within the UDA until the recent
feud erupted.

UDA leaders in south Belfast now expect revenge attacks from Johnny Adair's
notorious 'C' company.

The UDA admitted gunning down Green outside a bar in Kimberly Street.

Green was friendly with the UDA's south Belfast brigadier and was often in
the company of the north Belfast brigadier, according to UDA sources.

They claim he was given two guns by Adair and regularly briefed him on the
movements of both brigadiers, and other members of the organisation.

John White, Adair's close associate, admitted last week Green was "critical"
of Adair's opponents, confirming that he had been in contact with Adair.

Those behind his murder claim he also alerted Adair to remarks made by
Jonathan Stewart, 22, a nephew of one of Adair's opponents, who moved to
north Belfast after falling out with the 'C' company leader.

Green attended the funeral of the young man shot dead two days after
Christmas by 'C' company.

It's also alleged he provided information about a plan to kill one of
Adair's supporters, and that police were alerted in a bid to trap the hit
team. In the end, the attack was aborted.

One source told the Sunday Life: "He would tell men that he knew Johnny's
every move and would phone him up in the presence of senior people in the
north Belfast brigade.

"We think he had three mobile phones and two guns provided by 'C' company.

"He told Adair about the movements of people in the south and north Belfast
brigade, and now he's dead, we expect 'C' company will mount attacks based
on the information he gave."

2002-12-28T08:04:00.000-10:00

Prison fears over Colombia Three
By Caroline O'Doherty

THREE Irishmen detained in Colombia have been without visits from their legal team for over a week after they were secretly moved to a high-risk prison where their lawyers say they would be in fear for their own safety. Supporters of the so-called Colombia Three, Niall Connolly, 36, James Monaghan, 56 and Martin McCauley, 40, have applied to the men's trial judge to have them returned to La Modelo Prison in the capital, Bogota, where they have been kept on-and-off for the past 16 months.

Caitriona Ruane of the Bring Them Home campaign, said if the judge did not order the men's return, the application would be taken to the Colombian supreme court where they would argue further breaches of their right to a fair trial.

The three, who face charges of training rebels from the left wing FARC guerrilla movement and travelling on false passports, have been moved between prisons eight times since their arrest in August last year.

The latest move, from La Modelo in Bogota to Combita seven miles away, was carried out a week before Christmas without notification to the men or their supporters who were in Colombia a short time before for the trial which was adjourned when prosecution witnesses refused to attend.

Combita houses opposing guerrilla fighters and a number of high-profile drug barons and despite its high security status, prisoners are reputed to enjoy only a fragile protection and lawyers visiting there risk intimidation and assassination on the outside once word of their involvement spreads.

"For a few days we didn't know where they were. They were moved with no warning," said Ms Ruane. "It's purely vindictive to unsettle them and the routine the lawyers had going and because the authorities knew the one thing we didn't want was for them to be moved from Bogota.

"They are in a wing with four right wing paramilitaries, some alleged drug dealers and several left wing guerrillas so it's a very dangerous mix."

The men were allowed telephone calls with their families in Ireland on Christmas Day but were not allowed to receive parcels.

"The only place so far where they have even been let have letters is La Modelo. There certainly weren't any privileges for Christmas she said.

Ms Ruane spoke to the men on Christmas Eve and said while physically they remained in good shape, the lengthy stay and the recent further adjournment of their trial to February 5 was having a toll mentally.

"It's their second Christmas away from home and they just want to get out of there. We hope February 5 should be the last of it. We sent a letter to the Ministry for Foreign Affairs asking what measures are being taken to ensure the prosecution witnesses arrive this time.

"Meanwhile, we're hoping pressure from the Irish government will get them moved back to Bogota. The y're effectively deprived of access to their legal team and, while that won't help the prosecution, we'd be a lot happier if they weren't in Combita.

2002-12-20T10:29:00.000-10:00

'IRA spy' accused granted bail

Police raided Sinn Fein's Stormont office

The senior Sinn Fein official accused of being part of an alleged IRA spy
ring at Stormont has been granted bail.
Denis Donaldson will have to report to the police daily, except on Christmas
day.

Mr Donaldson has been in custody since October when police raided his office
at Stormont where he was Sinn Fein's head of administration.

The 52-year-old accused, from Aitnamona Crescent in west Belfast, was one of
four people charged with possessing documents useful to terrorists after
police raids on republican homes in Belfast.
Denis Donaldson is facing five charges

The five charges against him, which he denied, followed the alleged
discovery of 1,200 documents in his home.

He was refused bail last month by Lord Justice Nicholson.

However, in a reserved judgement on Friday, Mr Justice Sheil ordered that Mr
Donaldson could be freed on his own bail of £1,000 and two sureties of
£5,000 each.

The judge also barred the accused from entering the Stormont estate and said
he must not contact anyone working there.

The controversy surrounding alleged spying at Stormont led to the collapse
of power-sharing and the government's decision to suspend Northern Ireland's
political institutions on 14 October.

.

2002-12-19T16:18:00.000-10:00

Cops Confirm Collusion
By Brendan Anderson

UNDERCOVER police officers and British intelligence agents conspired with Loyalists to murder senior Republicans, Sinn Fein president Gerry Adams has been told officially.

Adams and his party’s chief negotiator Martin McGuinness learned on Monday that Special Branch police officers and British agents had helped plan attacks on them in the 1980s. Both men said it was the first time police had admitted to them that they had been targeted by Loyalist paramilitaries.

While Adams and McGuinness were both aware they were on Loyalist death lists — Adams was shot and seriously wounded in 1984 — the news was only confirmed during a meeting with members of a police inquiry team on Monday.

The men received the news during groundbreaking talks with the Stevens Inquiry team which is investigating claims of collusion between Loyalists and security forces.

Adams emerged from the discussions at Stormont to reveal that members of the Stevens team had requested the meeting with himself, McGuinness and another unnamed Republican because they had all been targeted in the 1980s by Loyalists controlled by Special Branch and military intelligence.

“This is the first time in my recollection we have received a specific request to meet. It follows requests by them to meet with us individually because we were among a number of people who were being targeted for killing by Loyalists working and being handled by elements of British military intelligence and the RUC Special Branch,” said Adams.

“They basically wanted to ascertain from us, during defined periods, if were we had been informed by the RUC that we were being targeted and whether we were given advice, help or assistance to take precautions. I have to say to the best of our recollections categorically we were never informed except through the broad media.” The head of the inquiry team, leading English policeman Sir John Stevens, was promoted to commissioner of the London Metropolitan Police in the midst of his investigations. His inquiry was launched primarily to investigate the circumstances surrounding the murder of human rights lawyer Pat Finucane in 1989.

Stevens was due to publish his report in the summer but this was postponed until November and then until next spring. Adams is reported to be concerned at the delay in completing the report.

2002-12-19T07:01:00.000-10:00

Protestants 53% Catholics 44%
Census shows narrowest gap ever between religions

THE gap between the Protestant and Catholic populations of Northern Ireland is narrower than at any time since records began, census results confirmed today.

Official figures from the 2001 headcount showed the Protestant population has fallen to 53.1%, its lowest share in the Northern Ireland counties since census records began in 1861.

The Catholic population has risen to 43.8%, or around 738,000 of the 1,685,000 people living in Northern Ireland. There are around 895,000 Protestants.

Although the rise in Catholics and decline in Protestants was not as great as some forecasts, the results do confirm a sharp rise in the Catholic population.

A political debate about the results began immediately.

Unionist politicians claimed it ruled out the possibility of a united Ireland at any stage, while SDLP leader Mark Durkan said the figures underlined the need for the Good Friday Agreement to provide a stable political platform.

Nationalist politicians are likely to be disappointed by the results. Sinn Fein in particular had forecast a lower Protestant share of the population.

Ulster Unionist MP, Jeffrey Donaldson, said the figures were a blow to republicans.

"A united Ireland is not even a remote possibility and it's time for republicans to accept that," he said.

However, many unionists are also likely to be privately concerned at the long term implications of a steady Catholic rise.

Over the past 50 years, the Catholic population has expanded by more than 55%. Since 1991, its growth has been at least 12%.

Census chiefs were also expecting to be scrutinised on the method of calculation.

The raw figures for the religious breakdown in Northern Ireland was 40.3% Catholic and 45.6% Protestant, with 14% - around 234,000 - giving no indication of their religion.

Most of those people were redistributed to religious categories.

Some were assigned by the religion they said they were born into, but those who gave no answer were reassigned by other means, such as their address.

The proportion of people born and living in Northern Ireland was 91%. The remainder of the population was composed of 4.8% born in Great Britain, 2.3% born in the Republic and 1.8% elsewhere.

The Newry and Mourne council area had the highest percentage of people from a Catholic background at 80.6%, while Carrickfergus had the lowest at 8.7%.

The debate about the implications of the results is likely to continue for some time - possibly until the 2011 census.

Profiles show the Catholic population is younger, and that there are more Catholics at school age than Protestants.

But some unionist demographers argue that the decline in the Catholic birthrate shows that the gap between the two communities will never close.

2002-12-18T07:13:00.000-10:00

Fir flies in UFF tree row
Maskey demands answers on link to council

http://www.belfasttelegraph.co.uk/news/story.jsp?story=362403

THE Lord Mayor of Belfast demanded answers today about how ratepayers' money
was used to fund a council-provided Christmas tree festooned with a UFF
message.

Sinn Fein's Alex Maskey said questions would need to be asked about the
council's involvement when the full details of the ownership of the tree
emerge - the third year in a row the council had provided a tree for the
district.

The 40 feet tree, which has been erected in Johnny Adair's lower Shankill
stronghold, is accompanied by the message 'Merry Christmas C Company'.

C Company is a notorious loyalist paramilitary outfit renowned for sectarian
murders and, lately, feuds within loyalism.

Mr Maskey said of revelations ratepayers' money paid for the tree: "If this
is the case and if the council supplied the tree, questions need to be
asked.

"This is in complete contrast to the Christmas tree erected in Ardoyne.

"The people there put up a 25 feet tree with the help of local small
businesses and schoolchildren from local schools who made the decorations
for the tree.

"It also involved a lot of fund-raising for children in Africa, which was a
great sentiment for the local children.

"Money was raised for that tree locally and it stands in the car park at
Flax Street."

Former UDP spokesman John White, an associate of Johnny Adair, claimed: "The
tree is about creating an atmosphere for the people to start getting a sense
of Christmas again.

"The tree is about creating a nice, Christmas atmosphere and the council has
been providing the area with a tree for the last three years.

"It has been decorated by the local community using local money and the
outside has been done by the residents of the lower Shankill."

He said the council has provided a tree for the lower Shankill community for
the last three years.

He added the tree was provided due to pressure put on the council to provide
for the area he said was "economically and socially deprived".

Last night a Belfast City Council spokesman admitted it owned the tree,
which was provided at the request of local representatives.

The spokesman added: "The responsibility for decorating the said tree
thereafter lies with the local community."

SDLP councillor Martin Morgan said the fact that the tree has been hijacked
by C Company was a matter of concern.

.

2002-12-17T06:31:00.000-10:00

Lawyer's 'killers will never be caught

Murdered lawyer Rosemary Nelson's killers will never be caught, her family claimed tonight.

Relatives of Mrs Nelson, the victim of a loyalist paramilitary car bomb, insisted the police investigation into the attack ground to a halt long before the detective heading the probe stood down.

A family statement said: "We doubt very much that we will ever come face to face with Rosemary's murderers."

Mrs Nelson was killed outside her home in Lurgan, Co Armagh in 1999.

The Red Hand Defenders, a rogue loyalist paramilitary organisation, admitted planting the sophisticated device under her car but no one has ever been charged.

The solicitor had said she was threatened by unnamed officers in the Royal Ulster Constabulary before she was killed.

Amid claims that security forces colluded with the loyalist outfit behind the attack, her family has demanded a public inquiry into the murder.

Retired Canadian judge Peter Cory has been called in by the British government to assess whether such a tribunal should be established.

Detectives believe they know the identity of the bombers but have not been able to make arrests because of a lack of evidence.

The police investigation was dealt a major blow when the officer leading the investigation, Norfolk deputy chief constable Colin Port, announced last month he was stepping down for personal reasons.

Mrs Nelson's close relatives said this had come as no surprise to them.

"Since April 2001 it has been evident to the family that Mr Port would not convict anyone for Rosemary's murder," they said.

"We suspect that this murder investigation ground to a halt some time ago.

"We went so far as telling Mr Port that we did not feel he would ever make any meaningful arrests in connection with Rosemary's murder.

"There remains only one avenue to establish the truth and that is the setting up of a fully independent judicial inquiry to which we are entirely committed."

Their call was backed by Sinn Fein chief negotiator Martin McGuinness, who has been in contact with the family.

He said: "I find it incredible, for example, that the Port investigation team has never questioned those members of the RUC who issued death threats against Rosemary Nelson.

"The current investigation has proven that it is incapable of finding the truth behind the killing.

"The family's demand for a full independent international judicial inquiry has gathered even more momentum with the resignation of Colin Port."

2002-12-13T07:57:00.000-10:00

Bloody Sunday film excluded from Oscar nominations

THE Irish film, Bloody Sunday, has been banned from competing for the Oscars because it was shown on Irish and British television on the same night it was premiered in London. The Academy Award organisers phoned the film's distributors, Paramount Classics, Wednesday to say the film has been disqualified because it was in breach of rule 3, which says a film cannot be shown on foreign television stations for six months after it is released in cinemas.

Paramount had hoped for Oscar nominations for Northern Ireland actor James Nesbitt, who played civil right campaigner, Ivan Cooper, and for director, Paul Greengrass.

US critics had said that Greengrass was a particularly strong contender for an Oscar, particularly as the film shared the top award for best picture at this year's Berlin Film Festival and was co-winner of the audience award at the Sundance Film Festival.

Last month, Paramount Classics and Irish producer, Jim Sheridan, sent a letter to Frank Pierson, president of the Academy of Motion Picture Arts and Sciences, requesting that the film be allowed to compete.

The letter admits fault but recalls Sir Laurence Olivier won a Best Actor Oscar for Richard III in 1957, though the film had already been shown on US television.

Paramount Classics presidents Ruth Vitale and David Dinerstein said yesterday: "We are extremely disappointed by the Academy's decision. We have received overwhelming praise from other academy members, filmmakers, distributors and human rights organisations not only for the film itself, but also for our defence of the film's potential to be considered for the highest honour of all."

Producer Mark Redhead added: "We don't make films for awards but we are disappointed that Bloody Sunday is being penalised for not fitting neatly into a narrow category."

A Paramount Classics spokeswoman said the film's contribution to the peace process has been widely and publicly praised in unprecedented terms by political leaders from all sides.

The company had decided to campaign for the film's inclusion because the release strategy was critical to ensuring the picture had the strongest and most beneficial emotional, political, and social impact at a critical time in the peace process

2002-12-10T07:00:00.000-10:00

2002-12-10T06:59:00.000-10:00

Action Alert: Ciaran Kearney Justice Appeal
>
>
> ------------------------------------------------------------------
> The following appeal is in regard to the plight of Ciaran
> Kearney, one of those arrested, jailed and denied bail over the
> so-called "republican spy ring" in Belfast. It is from Ciaran
> Kearney's father, veteran civil rights campaigner Oliver Kearney,
> and is being supported in the U.S. by Irish Northern Aid.
> ------------------------------------------------------------------
>
>
> Dear Friend
>
> I am very sad to tell you that, after thirty years of campaigning
> for Civil Rights, in support of the MacBride Principles for Fair
> Employment, and in defence of prisoners and extraditees, I am now
> unable to assist my own son Ciaran who has effectively been
> Interned Without Trial in a British prison in Northern Ireland.
>
> In a politically vicious exercise of judicial discretion, Ciaran
> has been denied Bail on the most spurious of charges, supported by
> 'evidence' which would summarily be thrown out of court in any
> civilised jurisdiction, and is now being imprisoned until his trial
> eventually occurs, perhaps in twelve, perhaps in eighteen months
> time.
>
> In Northern Ireland the granting of Bail is discretionary, and is
> readily available to persons charged with murder, wife battering,
> criminal assault, racketeering, money laundering and drug dealing.
>
> The judge who refused Bail to Ciaran on a charge of 'possessing
> documents which might be of use to terrorists', sat in the same
> courtroom on the same day and granted Bail to a person charged with
> possessing ammunition, who had been captured three days previously
> with other members of an armed UVF gang, while breaking into the
> home of a firearms dealer.
>
> This senile old man declared that he would not make accusations
> against Ciaran, and then promptly launched into a monologue of
> wide-ranging speculative fantasies about what intelligent people
> like Ciaran could be capable of doing if released on Bail. He then
> suspended the Hearing, suggesting that senior RUC Special Branch
> officers who were not present in court would attend the following
> day to indulge the fantasies that he had paraded before their
> subordinates. They duly obliged by attending to confirm that
> 'INTELLIGENCE' indicated that Ciaran was probably a cross between
> 'Carlos The Jackal' and Osama Bin Laden.
>
> This man then displayed quite outrageous contempt for those many
> good and honourable people who provided written Character
> References, and who personally attended in court to attest their
> conviction in Ciaran's good character and his innocence of the
> charges; and he refused to countenance the most unreserved
> commitments that Ciaran would provide any sureties, observe any
> restrictions whatsoever, and would attend his trial when it
> eventually occurs.
>
> I do not intend to dissipate my energies in writing letters to
> politicians, Irish or British government officials, or Great and
> Good people who host thousand-dollar-a-plate dinners, since I know
> what response I would receive if they bothered to reply. Instead,
> I am making a direct personal appeal for help to those decent,
> kindly American people whom I have been honoured to call my
> friends, who supported prisoners and their families, fought the
> MacBride Principles Campaign, and made the Peace process possible,
> before any of these things became fashionable amongst the Great and
> the Good.
>
> I am attaching a Fact Sheet that objectively summarises the details
> of Ciaran's experience, along with a suggested Program of Action,
> which I hope you might consider adopting. Please copy both and
> distribute them as widely as possible amongst your friends. If you
> are willing to help, I shall be deeply grateful. If you feel
> unable to help, no explanation is necessary.
>
> We SHALL Overcome
>
> Oliver Kearney
>
>
>---------------------------------------------------------------------
>
>
> CIARAN KEARNEY - FACT SHEET
>
> Ciaran is 31 years old, and a First Class Honours graduate of
> Ulster University. He is married to Jane. They are buying their
> own house in Belfast and they have two little daughters aged 5 and
> 3.
>
> Ciaran is the son of veteran Civil Rights and MacBride Principles
> campaigner, Oliver Kearney. Jane is the daughter of Denis
> Donaldson, former prison comrade of Bobby Sands, and head of the
> Sinn Fein administration unit at the Northern Ireland Assembly.
>
> Ciaran played a leading role in the Economic Equality campaign of
> the late 1990s, and he has been employed for 5 years as Policy
> Research and Information Manager of the Falls Community Council
> based in West Belfast. Ciaran has spear-headed crucial research
> and analysis by the Council, and also by Sinn Fein, into economic
> deprivation and inequality in the nationalist community; in Human
> Rights; in the Review of the north's Criminal Justice System; and
> most particularly in Reform of the Policing system, and the Patten
> Commission Report.
>
> His research has been submitted to the Northern Ireland Office of
> the British government; to the Irish government; to the European
> Commission; and to the United Nations.
>
> On 4 October 2002 the Northern Ireland police service, directed by
> RUC Special Branch, staged a high-profile paramilitary raid on the
> Sinn Fein offices in the Assembly, and they arrested Ciaran and his
> father-in-law Denis Donaldson at their respective homes.
>
> Ciaran was held under arrest in custody for 6 1/2 days, and his house
> was raided and searched for a second time during this period.
> After holding Ciaran for 156 hours, the police informed him that he
> was to be charged with 'possessing documents which could be of use
> to terrorists'. Before being charged, a police detective agreed
> with Ciaran's lawyer that the documents to which he was being
> directly linked were not in themselves incriminating.
>
> The documents were allegedly found in a rucksack at the home of
> Ciaran's father-in-law, which allegedly included some documents
> that 'could be of use to terrorists'. In the rucksack, the police
> claimed to have found Ciaran's fingerprints on a political party's
> published analysis of the Patten Commission Report on police
> reform; to have found his fingerprints on a sheet of paper
> containing notes for an essay on republicanism, which was allegedly
> found in a section of the rucksack along with other sheets of
> paper, some of which 'could be of use to terrorists'; and to have
> found one of Ciaran's thumbprints on a plastic bag from a popular
> clothes store, which was also in the rucksack.
>
> The police claimed that the thumbprint on the plastic bag proved
> that Ciaran 'must at some time have had in his possession all the
> documents in the rucksack' including those alleged to be of an
> incriminating nature.
>
> The Belfast magistrate who remanded Ciaran in custody accepted this
> evidence. Ciaran applied to be released on Bail to the Northern
> Ireland High Court on 4 and 5 November. The granting of Bail in
> Northern Ireland is discretionary, and the applicant is not
> permitted to give evidence on his own behalf.
>
> At the Bail Hearing the police confirmed that they are relying on
> the above evidence, which did not place Ciaran in possession of any
> incriminating material. However, they also claimed that police
> 'Intelligence' suggested that Ciaran was a 'Senior IRA Intelligence
> Officer' who would be dangerous if released on bail.
>
> Ciaran was denied Bail by the judge on the sole basis of this
> allegation. He has been remanded in custody to await a Trial, which
> might occur in 12 or 18 months time. He is effectively Interned
> Without Trial as the victim of a political 'Frame-up' by the RUC
> Special Branch, which still controls the Northern Ireland police
> service.
>
>
>---------------------------------------------------------------------
>
>
> CIARAN KEARNEY JUSTICE APPEAL
>
> Proposed Action Program
>
>
>
> I am Ciaran's father Oliver, and I am making a personal appeal for
> your help in securing the release on Bail of this young father of
> two little girls, who has never in his life before been accused of
> even the most minor misdemeanor; who has been selected as the
> POLITICAL SCAPEGOAT of a political coup d'etat orchestrated by RUC
> Special Branch - the STAZI, which still controls the Northern
> Ireland Police Service; and who is now incarcerated without any
> time limits in a British prison.
>
> If you are willing to help, please ensure that all your actions are
> Non-violent, Legal, Persistent and Focused on the people who still
> exercise power in Britain's Irish Colony - namely, the British
> Government.
>
>
> To commence the Action Program, Please:
>
> 1. Identify the public telephone number of the closest British
> Consulate Office to your city, county or state.
>
> Telephone this number tomorrow morning. Do not ask to be
> transferred to any Consular Official. Speak directly to the
> telephonist.
>
> Inform her/him courteously of your name, any organisation to which
> you belong, and without any abusive or offensive language, express
> your outrage at the treatment meted out to Ciaran, and demand his
> release on Bail.
>
> Repeat your call later the same day, and continue telephoning at
> least twice each day, morning and afternoon, Monday thru' Friday.
>
> Persist with this program for at least six weeks, and request all
> your family members, friends, workmates and members of any
> organisation to which you belong, to support you in creating a
> continuous bombardment of the Consulate telephone service, with the
> aim of paralyzing it.
>
> If you spend part, or all of each day working at home, please
> invite some friends to bring their mobile phones and join you in a
> coffee Telethon. Arrange for the group to meet at least once a
> week to repeat the process.
>
> 2. Identify the public fax. Number of the closest British
> Consulate Office.
>
> Copy the page of this communication entitled 'FACT SHEET'.
>
> Try to obtain access to a fax. Machine and send a copy of the Fact
> Sheet to the Consulate fax. No. Tomorrow morning, and continue
> faxing at least twice each day, Monday thru' Sunday, for at least
> six weeks.
>
> Request all your family and friends and organisation members who
> join you in the telephone bombardment to support you in choking the
> Consulate fax. Service. (Remember - it's their paper.)
>
> 3. If you have e-mail, and wish to use it in a similar fashion,
> please do so, but concentrate first on choking up the fax. Service.
>
> 4. If you wish to organise pickets, please do not do so during
> working hours at public buildings in the period prior to Christmas,
> since this will overstretch your police services and inconvenience
> your fellow-citizens.
>
> Instead, identify the private home address of a senior Consulate
> official, and organize Picnic Pickets at the entrance to his home
> at weekends -- Saturday/Sunday when he will wish to relax at home
> and entertain guests.
>
> Ensure that your pickets are non-violent and good-humoured, and
> that they comply with all requests or instructions received from
> police officers.
>
> You might even wish to consider planning a special pre-Christmas
> Carol Service outside his home, singing songs of Irish Freedom.
>
>
> Please mobilise all your resources to try to ensure that Ciaran is
> released in time to spend Christmas with his young wife Jane, and
> his two little girls.
>
> Once your campaign begins to make an impact, Irish Consular
> officials, civil servants and politicians will begin to seek out
> 'the people of influence in the Irish American community' to
> intercede on behalf of their British counterparts, arguing that
> 'this is not really a matter for the Irish American community to be
> involved in' and 'the Law must take its course'.
>
> Please ignore them. These same people opposed the MacBride
> Principles Campaign; treated your efforts on behalf of prisoners
> with contempt; and have not lifted a finger to intervene on
> Ciaran's behalf.
>
> If they wish to talk to someone, they know my address and telephone
> number. IF YOU ARE WILLING TO HELP - GOD BLESS YOU.
>
>
> ---------------------------------------------------------------------
>
>
> FOR U.S. SUBSCRIBERS:
>
> The British government: The British Embassy in DC can be reached
> by phone 202.588.7800, fax: (212) 745 0359 or e-mailed at
> ppa@washington.mail.fco.gov.uk. The address is The British Embassy,
> 3100 Massachusetts Ave, NW, Washington, DC 20008. Contact the
> Northern Ireland Office while you are at it: press.nio@nics.gov.uk
>
> British Consulates should also be contacted [by all means ask for
> meetings!]:
>
> * British Consulate-General, Suite 2700, Marquis One Tower, 245
> Peachtree Center Ave, Atlanta, GA 30303; [404] 524-5856.
>
> * British Consulate-General, Federal Reserve Plaza, 600 Atlantic
> Ave, 25th floor, Boston, MA 0221; [[617] 248-9555.
>
> * British Consulate-General, 400 North Michigan Ave, Suite 1300,
> Chicago, IL 60611; [312] 346-1810.
>
> * British Consulate, 55 Public square, Suite 1650, Cleveland, OH
> 44113: [216] 621-7675.
>
> * British Consulate, 813 Stemmons Tower West, 2730 Stemmons
> Freeway, Dallas, TX 75207; [214] 637-3600.
>
> * British Consulate-General, First Interstate Bank Plaza Building,
> Suite 1900, 1000 Louisiana, Houston, TX 77002; [713] 659- 6270.
>
> * British Consulate-General, 11766 Wiltshire Boulevard, Suite 400,
> Los Angles, CA 90025 [310] 477-33131
>
> * British Vice-Consulate, Suite 2110, Sun bank Tower, 200 South
> Orange Avenue, Orlando, FL 32801; [407] 426-7855.
>
> * British Consulate, Brickell Bay Office Tower, 1001 South
> Bayshore Drive, Suite 2110, Miami, FL 33131; [305] 374-1522.
>
> * British Consulate-General, 845 Third ave, New York, NY 10002;
> [212] 752-5747.
>
> * British Consulate-General, 1 Sansome Street, Suite 850, San
> Francisco, CA 94104; [415] 981-3030.
>
> * British Consulate, 820 First Interstate Center,, 999 Third Ave,
> Seattle, WA 98104, [[206] 622-9255.
>
>
> [These fax numbers are changed from time to time. Please ask for
> the current number from the consulates.]
>
> Irish Northern Aid has also suggested contacting the following:
>
> The Irish Government: The Irish Ambassador to the US is Noel Fahey
> [Contact him at Embassy of Ireland, 2234 Mass Ave NW, Washington DC
> 20008; phone 202-462-3939; fax 202-232-5993. E-mail:
> http://www.irelandemb.org/feedback.html]
>
> The US Administration: Send letters to Dr Richard Haass at
> Department of State, Director of Policy Planning, 2201 C Street NW,
> Room 7224, Washington DC 20520; phone 202- 647-2372 and your e-
> mails to Dr. Richard Haass at: policyplanning@state.gov and cc the
> Secretary of State Colin Powell at: secretary@state.gov.
>
>
> ---------------------------------------------------------------------
>
>
> POSTSCRIPT
>
> An update was issued at the weekend. This is excerpted from a
> message received by Irish Northern Aid from Ciaran's brother
> Jarlath.
>
> "Ciaran went for bail on Monday. It dragged into Tuesday.
>
> "The judge, in delivering his written decision, accepted the
> impeccability of the character references which had been assembled
> for Ciaran, accepted that Ciaran would not abscond and would turn
> up for trial, accepted that Ciaran had made a significant
> contribution to the peace process, accepted that Ciaran would
> return to his full-time employment and his family, and accepted the
> assurance that Ciaran would observe any and all bail conditions.
>
> "Nevertheless, the judge denied bail.
>
> "The sole basis for his decision was an acceptance of allegations
> made by the DPP and PSNI Superintendent Robert 'Roy' Suitters that
> Ciaran was a senior IRA Intelligence Officer who would continue
> carrying out this activity if released. This untrue allegation of
> membership of an illegal organisation (for which Ciaran has not
> even been charged!) was couched in terms of other total untrue
> allegations, including that he regularly attended Noraid functions
> in the United States and consequently might use his network of
> contact there to abscond. When this was rejected and Ciaran's
> passport was produced, Crown Counsel explained that the allegation
> was based on "police intelligence" (there's an oxymoron) and
> Superintendent Suitters explained that he could have travelled on a
> false passport! ...
>
> "It emerged in court that Ciaran's fingerprints have only been
> discovered on the UUP Response to the Patten Commission and an
> anonymous political treatise about republicans ...
>
> "So you can see how weak the case is. Yet a bail hearing is such
> that hearsay evidence is admissible God knows what they would say
> about Denis [Donaldson] if he goes for bail ..."
>
>

2002-12-09T11:07:00.000-10:00

Shareholder pressure on KFC over loyalist threats

An Phoblacht / Republican News 5th December 2002.

The New York City Comptroller's office, along with New York State and the
State of Minnesota, are taking action against Yum! Brands, the owner of
Kentucky Fried Chicken, to demand that the fast food outlets in the Six
Counties implement the MacBride Principles, barring the investment of city
and state pension funds in companies that practice sectarian or political
discrimination.

A resolution sponsored by New York City and co-sponsored by New York State
was put on Friday, 29 November, formally notifying the Kentucky-based Yum!
Brands that New York intends to put the issue before shareholders demanding
that the MacBride Principles be implemented in all 28 KFC outlets across the
North. According to sources in New York, the resolution is now filed and the
company must send it to all its shareholders worldwide.

The company must respond to defend its investment franchise in the North. A
vote on the resolution will take place in the spring at the company's AGM.
However, it is likely that the company will implement the MacBride
Principles before the spring AGM to nullify the pressure it has come under.

KFC is part of Yum! Brands, which has over 30,000 restaurants around the
world including Taco Bell, A&W, Long John Silvers and Pizza Hut.

A spokesman for the New York Comptroller's office said: "We would like them
(KFC) to implement the principles and to urge their franchises to stick by
them and agree to independent monitoring. Failure to comply with this demand
could mean the loss of huge amounts of money through disinvestment."

The move comes after KFC in the North was criticised over its handling of
threats and intimidation of Catholic workers, which included the display of
blatantly sectarian slogans in Antrim Town. In response, KFC management in
the Antrim outlet transferred the workers involuntarily to other branches.
The company later claimed that no worker had been forced to transfer.

In September, controversy erupted around the KFC outlet on the Lower
Shankill Road, where a mural depicting UDA gunmen was painted on a wall of
the restaurant.

That mural has since been removed after the New York City comptroller's
office protested to Yum! Brands.

Currently, New York City has some 1 million shares in Kentucky Fried Chicken
worth about $30 million. New York State owns 1.2 million shares, worth
around $35 million. The money comes from police, teachers, fire department,
and New York City and state employees pension funds.

Minnesota has some $3 million worth of shares invested in KFC. It is
expected that Connecticut, which has some 256,000 shares, worth around $9
million, will also take action.

Recently, the Investor Responsibility Research Centre, which monitors the
application of the MacBride Principles, wrote to Yum! Brands expressing
concern about the mural and allegations related to sectarian intimidation.

Yum! Brands Senior Vice President Jonathan Blum replied: "After looking at
the matter, I learned the painting was placed on the restaurant by members
of a political faction. We informed our franchisee that we don't condone the
association of our brands with any political agenda or organisation, and the
signage would need to be removed. About two months ago, this was
accomplished."

Blum went on to assure the Centre that "the franchisee fully complies with
the British Equal Opportunities Commission and all other federal laws and
regulations, including employment practices".

The franchise for KFC in the Six Counties is held by Herbal Restaurants,
which has been the franchisee for 20 years.

A statement from office of William Thompson, the New York City Comptroller,
said: "The full implementation of the MacBride Principles is the best way
for Yum! Brands to handle issues of discrimination and prevent problems like
this from occurring in the future. To this end, I am filing a shareholder
proposal within the next few days with Yum! Brands to see that its franchise
holders in Northern Ireland [sic] implement the MacBride Principles.
Two-thirds of US companies in that part of the world already implemented the
principles.

"Discrimination and sectarian intimidation is not only wrong, it's bad for
business."

Sinn Féin councillor Martin Meehan told An Phoblacht that he welcomed the
"persistence and highly professional intervention of the American-based,
Investor Responsibility Research Centre with this endeavour to enhance
employment practice at KFC's 28 outlets throughout the Six Counties".

Meehan added: "Discrimination and harassment is wrong in all circumstances.
Therefore, I am deeply concerned that any American investor intervention or
indeed that the MacBride principles are still necessary to enforce fair
employment practice in the north of Ireland, despite all the new equality
legislation arising from the Good Friday Agreement."

2002-12-08T08:32:00.000-10:00

Feature: Double standards and the new Deputy Chief Constable

When is a 'leak' not a 'leak? Easy. When it's a press conference
fronted by the Deputy Chief Constable Alan McQuillan.
But apart from the status of the briefing, there is little to
distinguish between the 'timely' media interventions of the newly
promoted McQuillan and the off camera contributions of his PSNI
colleagues

Accordingly, it was not without amusement that republicans read
an article in the Sunday Tribune last week in which Alan
McQuillan declared that he will be, perhaps, might be, about to
order an urgent investigation into high level 'leaks' from within
the PSNI.

"There is a major issue of leaks to selected members of the press
and we are going to have to do something about it," McQuillan
told journalist Susan McKay, "These leaks are disgraceful and
undermine the credibility of the PSNI."

Now Susan McKay is a journalist who commands respect. She has the
uncanny habit of asking just the right questions to just the
right people and in doing so exposing many an uncomfortable fact.

Just a few days earlier, McQuillan had presided over a Belfast
press conference. It had been a slick affair, stage managed event
down to the British Remembrance poppy tucked into the rim of the

Deputy Chief Constable's peaked cap and casually discarded on the
table in front of him. Behind McQuillan, billboards proclaimed
the credentials of the PSNI "working in partnership with the
community".

Given the PSNI's supporting role in the Save Dave pantomime,
their apparent reluctance to curtail loyalist violence in North
and East Belfast and the ensuing press conference, working in
partnership with anti-Agreement unionism might have been more
honest.

During the press conference, McQuillan had announced that the
PSNI had "broken into the heart of the IRA" and were in the
process of exposing "a major Provisional intelligence gathering
operation".

And the Deputy Chief Constable was talking 'big'. The 40-strong
investigation team was working around the clock, examining 79
computers, 1,000 computer disks and 19,000 pages of documents.
2,000 people had already been questioned, we were told.

This figure stands in sharp contrast to the mere 19 people
questioned in connection with the loyalist murders of Gavin
Brett, Ciaran Cummings and Danny McColgan - and the single person
questioned about the killing of Gerard Lawlor.

"When I hear the news and see how much time and energy the PSNI
is devoting to this Stormont spy ring and compare it with how
Danny's murder is being investigated, I despair," Marie McColgan
told a local paper.

Within hours of McQuillan's announcements, journalists were
reporting 'a senior security' source claiming that the current
investigation into an alleged 'spy ring' had been triggered by a
'tip off' by a 'mole' at the heart of the IRA.

Incidentally, the source also claimed that the arrest of NIO
messenger Billy Mackesssy (on the same day as the raid on Sinn
Fein's office in Stormont) was simply a smokescreen.

Having apparently gone to considerable trouble, including the
arbitrary arrest of a former junior civil servant, it is
incongruous then to announce it. Unless, of course, the PSNI are
engaging in psy ops.

Meanwhile, another civil servant arrested in connection with the
alleged Stormont 'spy ring' was released without charge, but not
before his name and personal details had been plastered all over
the British press.

In the excitement of the Deputy Chief Constable's announcements,
most of the media forgot or chose to ignore how it had all begun.
In the 'news' frenzy, few worried about the witch-hunt against
Catholic civil servants.

"Civil servants at Stormont, both Protestant and Catholic, are
said to be furious that the west Belfast man who worked in the
OFMDFM (the office of the First Minister and Deputy First
Minister) has been 'fingered' by the police," a senior civil
servant told Susan McKay.

And the political implications had not been lost on them.
Stormont civil servants were "questioning the timing of these
leaks and the agenda underlying them", the senior civil servant
said.

The British government suspended the Stormont executive just days
after the PSNI 'leaked' the claim that fibres had been found
linking the IRA to the Castlereagh raid. It was all very
convenient.

"It is obvious that Trimble is delighted that Castlereagh,
Stormont-gate, Operation Torsion and Operation Hezz have
distracted people from the fact that it was his party which
brought about the suspension of Stormont by turning
anti-Agreement at its last council meeting," wrote Susan McKay.

It's against this background that I'm guessing Susan McKay lifted
the telephone and asked if the new Deputy Chief Constable would
answer a few questions. From the pen portrait included in her
article, no doubt McKay asked a few anticipated questions before
she dropped her bombshell.

"And just what game are you playing Deputy Chief Constable?" did
she ask or was it couched in a more carefully crafted question?

"About these leaks, Alan," did she say? Leaks which "have clearly
been designed to destabilise the peace process and in particular
to boost anti-Agreement unionism and discredit Sinn Fein", to
repeat McKay's own words.

And just what was any Deputy Chief Constable supposed to do? Of
course he's against it, they're a "disgrace" and "undermine the
credibility of the PSNI".

"Why didn't they just leave it to me to hold a press conference
or two?" he might have replied.

After all, McQuillan has had plenty of experience when it comes
to creating an anti-republican smokescreen. First as cover for
the Orange Order in Derry, then for loyalist violence in North
Belfast and now for rejectionist unionism throughout the north.

"I don't court controversy," McQuillan told McKay, "but it's hard
to avoid."

.

2002-12-06T08:53:00.000-10:00

"U.S. revises policy on volatile Colombia"

Thursday's Chicago Tribune, written by Tribune senior
correspondent Howard Witt, titled,
in which Colin Powell makes the following statement:

"But after 9/11, as we looked at terrorist activites around the world -- and
maybe the [factions fighting in Colombia] do not have global reach in the
sense that Al Qaeda has global reach -- but when you start to see members of
the IRA in Colombia sharing experiences, sharing knowledge, doing heaven only
knows what, it suggests that these kinds of organizations are committed to
destroying democracy in our hemisphere. Should that not be a concern of
ours?" Powell said.

I believe the U.S. Secretary of State is saying that the IRA is "committed to
destroying democracy in our hemisphere." Not only is Powell revising U.S.
policy on a volatile Colombia, as the headline says, it looks like he is
revising U.S. policy on the IRA as well.

I would like to know if it is the official State Department position that the IRA is committed to
destroying democracy in our hemisphere. Powell's statement comes on the same
day when the circus of the trial in Colombia is being exposed for what it is.

2002-12-05T10:37:00.000-10:00

Speak out against comprehensive video surveillance in the nation's capital

From: Matt Howes, National Internet Organizer, ACLU
To: ACLU Action Network Members
Date: December 5, 2002

The next time you visit the nation's capital, your every move may be watched and recorded. The DC Police Department, without public knowledge or city council approval, has set up a centralized video surveillance network. The system can bring together video feeds from police cameras on streets and buildings, in neighborhoods, within the city’s subway system and even at public schools. With the flip of a switch, officers can zoom in on people a half-mile away.

The implicit justification for the video surveillance system is security. But it is far from clear how the proliferation of video cameras through public spaces in D.C. would have any real impact on crime. In Oakland, CA, officials considered video surveillance for three years and rejected it. Police Chief Joseph Samuels, Jr., stated that his department had hoped to be “…among the pioneers in the field of taped video camera surveillance” but ultimately found that “there is no conclusive way to establish that the presence of video surveillance resulted in the prevention or reduction of crime.”

Instead, tourists, opposition politicians, racial and ethnic minorities, peaceful dissidents and other people could have their every move catalogued and tracked. This system of cameras could be used to monitor peaceful protests and the activities of innocent people throughout the city. This information could then be misused to blackmail, intimidate or bully people who are exercising their freedom of speech, freedom of peaceful assembly, or just going about their daily lives.

This is not just a local issue and not only because D.C. is our nation’s capital. This system would make D.C. the first city in the nation to have comprehensive video surveillance and unless it is stopped, other cities and communities will inevitably follow its example. We must not allow Main Street USA to become Surveillance Central.

You can have an impact. Outcry from activists like you helped to squash the Administration's Operation TIPS which would have made domestic spies out of postal office employees, repair crews, and other service providers. Over 63,000 emails and faxes were sent by ACLU Action Network members to Members of Congress to protest this spying and as a result of these and other actions, TIPS was prohibited by the Homeland Security Act.

We need your help again and this is a great example of how people can make a difference. The D.C. city council is going to hold hearings on video surveillance next week. By urging the city council to shut down the video surveillance network, we can ensure that funds earmarked for this system are invested in proven police practices instead of expanding an expensive, ineffective, easily abused surveillance system.

2002-12-02T07:31:00.000-10:00

IRA suspects not in court for trial

The trial opened today of two IRA men and a senior Sinn Fein official who are accused of training Colombian Marxist rebels in terror tactics.

Prosecutors are expected to present evidence the men had repeatedly visited rebels before their arrests. The trio face 28 years in prison if convicted

A dozen protesters greeted an Irish delegation chanting in English "IRA, take your bombs away," as they walked into the Bogota court.

The delegates are observing the trial because of their concerns that the three men would not receive a fair hearing in the South American nation.

James Monaghan, Niall Connolly and Martin McCauley were arrested at Bogota's airport 15 months ago after visiting a rebel safe haven in southern Colombia, where prosecutors say they trained insurgents in explosives and other terrorist techniques.

The three suspects, who were travelling on false passports, insist they were in Colombia to observe the peace process between former President Andres Pastrana and the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia, or Farc.

A spokeswoman of Bring Them Home, an Ireland-based activist organisation working for the release of the three men, said the trio would not be attending today's hearing.

Standing outside the court, Caitriona Ruane said the defence plans to present two alibi witnesses – Sile Maguire, an Irish diplomat in Mexico, and Ross O'Sullivan.

The defence will also present two character witnesses – Laurence McKeown, a former IRA prisoner, and Danny Morrison, a former publicity director for Sinn Fein – to refute prosecution claims that the men visited Colombia repeatedly, she said.

Sinn Fein has acknowledged Connolly was its Latin American representative. Monaghan is an IRA veteran convicted in 1971 for possessing explosives and conspiring to cause explosions.

McCauley was wounded during a police raid at an IRA arms dump in 1982 and later was convicted of weapons possession.

Ruane said the three suspects had not yet decided whether they would attend the hearing tomorrow and Wednesday.

She also said the defence plans to bring in a British forensic expert to refute prosecution evidence that the men had explosive residue on their clothes when they were arrested.

She expected that issue to come up during a later phase of the trial, which will most likely be held in January.

Ruane repeated concerns Bring Them Home activists have repeated throughout the months-long process.

"This case is being politicised everywhere in the world in an attempt to destroy the Irish peace process," she said. "We won't allow the Irish peace process to be destroyed. We want peace in Ireland and in Colombia."

Nearby, protesters continued their chants.

"They are the delinquents that bring arms to Colombia and because of that the war continues," said protester Steven Velasquez, 17, a recent high school graduate whose older brother was killed fighting for the army.

As many as 15 IRA members visited a rebel safe haven during the three-year peace talks, according to a US congressional report, which said the Farc has now begun using IRA style tactics and equipment in mortar and other attacks.

The Irish delegation – which includes activist Paul Hill – visited the men in jail.

Hill was cleared of murder charges in Ireland after spending 15 years in a British prison. As bad as it was serving time for something he didn't do, at least "I never really had the sense that someone was going to kill me," he said.

The three men have received numerous death threats and cook for themselves out of fear that their food will be poisoned, said Agustin Jimenez, a human rights lawyer and president of the legal committee handling the men's case.

They sleep on mattresses on the floor of the La Modelo jail, where they are placed together in a high-security wing with leftist political prisoners, most of them suspected Farc rebels.

The prisoners are not held in cells - instead they share a common area with basic cooking facilities and bathrooms on one floor of the wing.

Members of right-wing paramilitary groups – enemies of the left-wingers – are on the floor right above them. The three fear an attack by them or other militia members throughout the jail.

"The chances of these three men surviving are very, very slim if they are convicted," said Hill.

The delegation also had meetings scheduled with officials from the Colombian justice ministry, Red Cross and the United Nations.

This segment of the trial is scheduled to last three days. The next portion of the trial will likely be scheduled for January, lawyers said.

Trials in Colombia are not held continuously until completed. Lawyers work on various cases at the same time, and it is customary for a trial to take place in small segments over a period of months.

The Colombian army said Connolly, Monaghan and McCauley spent about a month training high-ranking Farc leaders such as Jorge Briceno, his brother German and Tomas Medina.

The United States has indicted two of the men – German Briceno in connection with the killings of three Americans working with Indians in Colombia, and Medina for allegedly conspiring with Brazilian drug traffickers to ship cocaine to the United States.

Colombia's 38-year-old civil war pits Marxist rebels, right-wing paramilitaries and government troops against one another, leaving about 3,500 people dead each year.

President Alvaro Uribe has promised a hard-line campaign to end the fighting.

2002-12-01T08:08:00.000-10:00

House attacked with petrol bomb - and shots reported fired Belfast.

Police are investigating a petrol bomb attack at a house in north Belfast.
There were also reports of shots being fired.

The incident happened in the Westland Drive area, near the Cavehill Road, at
about 0530 GMT on Sunday.

A car and a caravan were set alight after being hit with a petrol bomb, but
no-one was injured.

Two cars were reported driving away from the scene in the direction of the
Cliftonville Road.

Ulster Political Research Group chairman Sam Duddy blamed loyalists from the
Shankill area for the attack.

"It is continued harassment," he said. "This family had only moved in to
this area a fortnight ago after having to flee from Manor Street."

2002-12-01T07:42:00.000-10:00

POLICE PROBE DOORSTEP KILLING

Police in Northern Ireland are hunting the killer of a man shot dead on the
doorstep of his home after his young son answered the door.

Mark Apsley, 38, was called by his five-year-old son who had answered the
door to a man asking for "daddy".

Mr Aspley was immediately shot at the door of his Dickson Park home,
Ballygowan, and died instantly.

2002-11-30T07:39:00.000-10:00

McGuinness says reports unfounded and misleading

Sinn Fein's Martin McGuinness today dismissed speculation the IRA was poised to disband as "totally unfounded and misleading".

There was no basis to stories in a number of newspapers saying the IRA was close to announcing an end to all military operations, punishment beatings and surveillance operations and the decommissioning of its weapons, he said.

Mr McGuinness, Education Minister in the power-sharing administration prior to its suspension and an admitted IRA commander in the 1970's, said the speculation was damaging and undermined the multi-party talks currently taking place.

He spoke out in Dublin as Sinn Fein leaders met to discuss the political process.

His comments brought swift response from Ulster Unionists.

They said if the IRA was not going to do what was needed then Sinn Fein could not return to government.

Mr McGuinness said the reports, which claimed he was spearheading moves to persuade IRAs to remove the threat of violence and effectively disband were way off the mark.

"I think people need to be very aware that there are people out there – and unnamed sources – their stories I think are very unhelpful," he said.

"They basically amount to totally unfounded speculation and I think they are quite mischievous."

2002-11-26T13:12:00.000-10:00

University of Ulster ejects Sinn Féin

An Phoblacht / Republican News 21st November 2002.

http://www.irlnet.com/aprn/current/news/21thre.html

Newtownabbey Councillor Breige Meehan has criticised the University of Ulster after members of Sinn Féin were forced to leave the Students Union Building at the Jordanstown Campus on Tuesday 19 November.

Student leaders issued invitations to all political parties, including Sinn Féin, to attend an open day at the University but as the Sinn Féin members set up their stall in the building, they were told to leave.

The four members of Sinn Féin moved into the Students Union before being forcibly removed by university security staff under the guidance of Estates Services Officer Frank Halpin.

A student source has told An Phoblacht that the removal of the Sinn Féin group was ordered by the Public Affairs Committee of the University. The source said: "No other political parties were removed when they were giving out leaflets; it seems the university doesn't want students to hear about Sinn Féin policies."

Sinn Féin's Breige Meehan said the university's interference in the affairs of the University of Ulster Students Union undermines and raises questions about the self governing authority of the entire student movement, not only at the University of Ulster but also across all campuses.

Meehan added that the way Sinn Fein were treated by the University authorities is blatant discrimination and fails to adhere to parity of esteem.

Sinn Féin has sent letters to the Chancellor of the Campus, Gerry McKenna, and the Students Union asking for a meeting to explain the removal of its members on Tuesday.

2002-11-21T08:45:00.000-10:00

New hope after Northern Ireland talks

Fresh hope emerged tonight that devolution in Northern Ireland could be restored as political parties decided to intensify talks.

Following a round-table discussion at Stormont, Northern Ireland Secretary Paul Murphy and Foreign Minister Brian Cowen held out hope that the Northern Assembly could return after the parties agreed to meet again next week.

After a four-hour meeting involving the governments, the Ulster Unionists, nationalist SDLP, Sinn Fein, the loyalist Progressive Unionists, Alliance and Women's Coalition, Mr Murphy declared: "I think that we certainly have come a long way in terms of the parties talking to each other.

"That is not, of course, a resolution of the difficulties facing us but I think that there is a realisation that we are at a very, very critical time and there was also a realisation that all of us in there believe that the only way forward is through the Belfast Agreement."

Today's discussions focused on how the Agreement could be fully implemented, with parties setting out their problems with the process.

The Ulster Unionists insisted power sharing could only be restored if republicans faced up to the need to end all paramilitary activity and complete the transition to exclusively peaceful and democratic means.

Sinn Fein's Gerry Adams and Martin McGuinness set out several areas of the Agreement which they said had not been implemented by the British government, claiming that had slowed down progress.

The party called for additional police reforms, a rolling programme of demilitarisation, changes to the criminal justice system and for equality, human rights and the rights of Irish language speakers to be addressed.

A talks source said: "There was a real sense of the parties wanting to get down to the nitty gritty today and, I think, relief that the two governments are talking about a more inclusive process dealing with all the issues once and for all.

"People want to get this Agreement finally nailed down and do not want to go back to more negotiations several months or a year down the line."

As the parties prepared to build on today's discussions, Brian Cowen appealed for them to be given the time and space needed to take huge strides to secure the Agreement.

"Can I say that if we have learned anything from Northern Ireland, you have to create an enabling context in which a quantum leap of the magnitude that is necessary can be brought about," he said.

"That process began today by those who are committed to this agreement sitting down, man to man and woman to woman, talking about what they see as the issues that need to be addressed."

Ulster Unionist negotiator Reg Empey was careful not to spell out exactly how Sinn Fein and the loyalist parties should deal with the paramilitary issue.

"The private army issue has to be resolved," he argued.

"I am not going to put a particular word on it and I didn't for very obvious reasons. As to what they do, how they do it and how it's described, I'm not really worried about that."

Sinn Fein's Martin McGuinness insisted "great work" could be achieved if the parties demonstrated the political will to deal with their problems.

"The British government have to face up to the issues we have raised and, of course, we have declared at the meeting today that we too are prepared to face up to all of the other issues that have been raised by all of the other participants in the talks," he said.

"I think we have got off to a good start but we have got to keep it up. There is more work to be done."

2002-11-21T08:33:00.000-10:00

Catholics 'under-represented in Ulster workforce
By Kieran McDaid

Catholics are still under-represented in the Northern Ireland workforce, a new survey out today said.

The overall rate of catholics being employed in Ulster currently stands at 39.5%. However, the Equality Commission said this was set to improve with new figures showing that 45% of people appointed to new jobs in 2001 were Catholic.

The current inequalities were most evident in the security-related sector and the Civil Service, the survey revealed.

The figures show that 91.3% of people working full-time in security-related jobs are Protestant, while only 8.7% are Catholic.

However, the Commission pointed out that the impact of the Patten Report on policing reforms would not be seen until later years.

The statistics also reveal that just over 60% of civil servants are Protestant.

Evelyn Collins, the commission's Chief Executive, said there remained an "overall under-representation of Roman Catholics in the workforce".

"Roman Catholic participation in the full-time workforce is now 39.5%, and this compares to an estimated 43% of the Catholic population who are available for work," she said.

"It is similar to last year's figure, and is the second year in which Catholic participation in the workforce has not increased." However, Ms Collins said the situation was set to improve.

"The statistics for applicants and appointees show that, overall, both Protestants and Roman Catholics are being appointed to jobs in proportion to their rate of application," she said.

"The proportion of Catholics, 45%, is higher than their current representation in the workforce.

"It is, however, directly comparable to the proportion of Catholics in the age-bands from which most applicants are drawn.

"If this trend is continued it will help, over time, to close the remaining gap in Catholic representation in the workforce generally," she added.

Ms Collins said it was also true that in some parts of the public sector Protestant representation is "less than would be expected".

"The report also shows the degree of segregation which still exists within the workforce, 40% of all private sector concerns with more than 25 employees employ less than 10 Protestants or less than 10 Roman Catholics," she said.

"The Commission will continue to work with all employers to help them address problems of under-representation affecting either community, and to ensure the highest standards of fairness and equality in the workplace."

The body's 12th annual monitoring report, which includes 479,517 employees, is drawn from all public sector employers and all private businesses with more than 10 staff.

2002-11-17T08:19:00.000-10:00

wHEN lOGIC FAILS.....RESORT TO NAME CALLING

David Trimble, leader of Northern Ireland's largest political party, told
the Chicago Sun-Times editorial board Thursday that the Republic of Ireland
is held together by the Catholic religion and contempt for Britain.

"If you took away Catholicism and anti-Britishness, the state doesn't have a
reason to exist," said Trimble, whose largely Protestant Ulster Unionist
Party wants to keep Northern Ireland in the United Kingdom.

Trimble led Northern Ireland's power-sharing government until it was
suspended last month. His party threatened to bring down the government after
members of the IRA-linked Sinn Fein party were charged with possessing
sensitive government files.

Trimble came to Chicago to address the Council on Foreign Relations.

Trimble caused a major backlash among the Irish just before St. Patrick's Day
when he denounced the Republic of Ireland as "the pathetic sectarian,
mono-ethnic, mono-cultural state to our south."

Asked Thursday if he stood by those words, he said: "Well, I didn't actually
use the word 'pathetic.' I was reading that, and I said, 'Whoops! We got a
wee bit over the top.' So I said to take that out, but they said, 'It's too
late. We've already sent that out to the press.' I knew if I tried to send
out a revised version, the first thing they'd do is look and see what I'd
changed."

The press picked up on it anyway.

"But the words I wanted in there were mono-ethnic and mono-cultural. Those
are true," he said.

The Republic of Ireland is more than 90 percent Catholic. Increasing numbers
of Muslim and other immigrants have moved to Ireland in recent years, but
Trimble said they have not always felt welcomed.

"You still can't fly Union Jacks [British flags] in Ireland. They'll have a
special in the stores for [European Union] items, and you'll see the flags of
every country in Europe except the Union Jacks, which will be littered on the
floor," Trimble said. "If you took away Catholicism and anti-Britishness, the
state doesn't have a reason to exist. Its institutions are British and
American."

Trimble wants people in this city, where Irish Americans dominate local
government, to hear the other side on Northern Ireland.

Newly appointed Irish Ambassador Noel Fahey swung through town this week,
sounding a note of cautious optimism about resuming the peace process in
Northern Ireland. Trimble was less optimistic, saying unionists had been
disappointed three times by Sinn Fein's slow pace in moving to disarm the IRA.

"There is a deep strain of pessimism among unionists," Trimble said.

2002-11-09T07:54:00.000-10:00

IRISH AMERICAN UNITY CONFERENCE

FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE - November 9, 2002

CHARADE SHOWS PATTEN MUST BE IMPLEMENTED - IAUC

IAUC President James Gallagher has questioned the motives behind the
arrest of a man Thursday by the PSNI (Police Service of Northern
Ireland) on suspicion of republican intelligence gathering at
Government Buildings, Stormont. He was released yesterday afternoon
without charge.

"The arrest was another example of the PSNI intervening in the
political process in order to prevent the change promised by the Good
Friday Agreement," said Gallagher. "Until the PSNI stops behaving as
the fig-leaf for political unionism's anti-Agreement stance, there
will be no resolution to the conflict in Northern Ireland."

The man's arrest came one day after Britain's Northern Ireland
Secretary, Paul Murphy, announced that the British government was to
convene all-party talks aimed at saving the Good Friday Agreement.

Following Thursday's arrest, Ulster Unionist leader David Trimble
said it was "a most concerning and serious development and appears to
have huge implications for the political process". He claimed the
arrested man had access to "sensitive" information.

"The UUP is an anti-Agreement party. David Trimble outlined his
strategy at the UUP AGM in March. He expressly stated that he wanted
to collapse the political institutions and point the finger of blame
at republicans. At last months UUC meeting, Mr. Trimble unveiled his
wrecker's charter to achieve this, setting a January 17 deadline for
the disbandment for the IRA. However, PSNI intervention saved his
blushes with their media-friendly raids on Sinn Fein's offices last
month," Gallagher said.

Gallagher said that subsequent apologies by the PSNI chief constable,
Hugh Orde, for the nature of the raids was "irrelevant".

Calling on the British government to publish the promised amended
legislation to fully implement the Patten Report, Gallagher
concluded: "Until the Patten Report's recommendations for the future
of policing in Northern Ireland are fully implemented, the PSNI, as
it is currently constituted, will never have the trust or support of
both communities in Northern Ireland."

2002-11-05T09:31:00.000-10:00

South Antrim sectarian hotbed

Sinn Féin urges action
an phoblacht 31st October 2002.

A dossier detailing unionist paramilitary violence in the south Antrim area
has been presented to NIO Security Minister Jane Kennedy. A delegation
headed by local Sinn Féin councillor Martin Meehan and including party
colleagues, local community workers and victim representatives, travelled to
Stormont last Monday.

Meehan told the British minister that it was clear that unionist
paramilitaries, namely the LVF and UDA, were at the forefront of
intimidation of Catholics in south Antrim and demanded immediate action.

Meehan also raised the issue of crown forces collusion in the current wave
of unionist paramilitary violence in the Antrim area. 5.56mm bullets, used
by the British Army issue SA80 rifle, were discovered amongst a substantial
unionist paramilitary weapons find in the Rathcoole estate last week.

The weapons included home made submachine guns, a shotgun, machine pistols
and at least two Derringer pistols. There was also a box of 9mm bullets with
markings from the Israeli Military Industries, pipe bombs and boobytrap
devices.

Within the last two years, there have been six sectarian killings in the
south Antrim area.

In December 2000, unionist paramilitaries murdered Catholic builder Gary
Moore in Newtownabbey while he was working on a site.
Father of two Trevor Lowry was kicked to death in the mistaken belief that
he was a Catholic in April 2001.
19-year-old Ciaran Cummings was shot dead as he waited for a lift to work.
At the time David Trimble denied unionist paramilitaries had carried out the
killing and attempted to dismiss the death as drug related.
18-year-old Gavin Brett was gunned down in the mistaken belief he was a
Catholic outside St Enda's GAA club on July 2001.
This year, Catholic postal worker Daniel McColgan was shot dead in January
and Gerard Lawlor in July.
More recently, a 15-year-old Catholic boy suffered life threatening head
injuries when a sectarian gang in Antrim attacked him with a hatchet in
August.

The brutal attack was the culmination of months of violence emanating from a
40-strong gang of Ulster Young Militants, a wing of the UDA, operating out
of the predominantly unionist Stiles estate.

"They have been creating havoc in Antrim for months," said Meehan, "this
gang is something between the Nazis and the Ku Klux Klan."

A local Catholic High School, St Malachy's, has been the focus of sustained
unionist paramilitary violence. In a scenario similar to that of Holy Cross,
pupils and parents have repeatedly faced mass loyalist intimidation during
the journey to and from school. A number of individual parents have received
death threats and a number of pupils attacked.

Last month, over 150 residents attended a 'reclaim the streets' protest
close the scene of the hatchet attack that left a Catholic teenager with
permanent brain damage. The residents called for an end to the campaign of
hate against Catholics in Antrim.

Meanwhile, ongoing sectarian attacks have forced a mass exodus of Catholic
families from their homes in the Antrim area. According to official reports,
over 60 families have fled their homes and are currently seeking
accommodation elsewhere.

"The unionist paramilitaries are well known, the people who are
orchestrating these attacks are known to everyone in south Antrim and
further afield," said Meehan. "The nationalist community is calling for
these matters to be urgently addressed."

A spokesperson for the NIO described the meeting as "constructive" and said
the minister would be examining a number of issues raised.

Pair charged with attempted murder

Two men appeared at Ballymena Magistrates Court on Saturday 26 October
charged with the attempted murder of 29-year-old Catholic Gerard McRandle
from Larne, who was left fighting for his life after a sectarian assault in
the East Antrim town in the early hours of Wednesday 23 October.

24-year-old John Thomas Maloney from Linn Road in Larne and 31-year-old
William Robinson from Greenland Parade in the town were both remanded in
custody.

McRandle was attacked and badly beaten by at least two loyalists who
repeatedly kicked him in the head as he returned home to his Gardenmore flat
in Larne after having a drink with his mother in Dan Campbell's bar, which
is just 300 yards from his home. The young Catholic man remains in a
seriously ill condition in the Royal Victoria Hospital in Belfast.

Two women and a man were charged on Friday 25 October with withholding
information about the sectarian attack.

Nationalists in the loyalist town have called for extra security in Larne
following this latest sectarian incident.

In July in Larne, a 16-year-old Catholic was attacked by loyalists wielding
golf clubs and iron bars, leaving him with a compound fracture of the skull.

Meanwhile, An Phoblacht has learned that Maloney served a prison sentence in
Hydebank Young Offenders centre for the killing of a loyalist bandsman a
number of years ago in a row over drugs. It is thought the bandsman had
passed on information to the RUC about a UDA drugs operation and was killed.

Shots fired in UVF show of strength

Three guns and a quantity of ammunition which were used by a UVF gang in a
show of strength in the loyalist town of Ballyclare in East Antrim were
uncovered by a PSNI patrol during a search of hedges near the town.

A number of shots were fired during the armed display on Friday night 25
October.

A sub machinegun and bullets were found in a holdall hidden in a hedge in
the Grange Drive area of the town.

On Saturday 26 October, a number of pipe bombs were discovered in a hedgerow
near Antrim Technical College in Muckamore.

On Sunday 27 October members of the PSNI found a loaded handgun at the rear
of houses in the Derryhill area of the Rathcoole estate on the outskirts of
North Belfast. The find comes in the same week as an arsenal of UDA weapons
were found in a house on the same estate.

South Antrim Sinn Féin councillor Martin Meehan has told An Phoblacht, "the
raids are two years too late and coincide with a meeting being held at
Stormont of a delegation of South Antrim Sinn Fein members and the British
security minister Jane Kennedy.

"Nationalists are not convinced that these raids by the PSNI are designed to
end the two-year long violent unionist pogroms against nationalists in South
Antrim," said Meehan. "They see the raids as mere window dressing."

Loyalists target Catholic football team

Concerned parents of an Antrim soccer team are threatening to take their
children out of the Ballymena Youth League after loyalist threats.

Members of the team, from the Rathenraw estate in Antrim Town, were abused
by loyalists after a match at the Antrim Forum earlier this month and were
warned to "watch your backs".

The children from the under-16 squad say they are treating the death threats
"very seriously", while one of their parents vowed to report the sectarian
incident to the League officials and to my local councillor. "I am expecting
a full assurance from the League's administrators that there will be no
recurrence," said the parent, who wishes to remain anonymous.

Many of the youngsters are considering leaving the team after this latest
incident. "We were told to watch our backs from now on no matter where we
play in the League. We cannot understand why anyone would issue death
threats against us," said one of the players.

Sinn Féin councillor Martin McManus branded the threats as outrageous and
said he will be pushing for a full investigation at the next Antrim council
meeting.

"I am confident that I can obtain the cross party support and assistance
from all the councillors at Antrim Borough Council for an investigation," he
said.

This is not the first time the Antrim Forum has been the focus for
sectarianism. Earlier this year, nationalist teenagers were attacked by
loyalists at the playing fields. At the time, Antrim Council stressed they
were taking steps to ensure such sectarian attacks would never happen again.

.

2002-11-05T09:25:00.000-10:00

Loyalist's UFF (literally) "crucify" Catholic joyrider

Friends, following are stories on Saturday's barbaric attack by loyalists on
a 23 year old Catholic kid in Belfast. Yeah, maybe the kid was a joyrider,
and he was stupid enough to be in the wrong part of town. But, crucifixion?
Come on, this is incredible!

Sadly, this attack speaks again to the mindset of the UFF and their unionist
supporters. The unionist's silence on this attack, as usual, is deafening.
Worse are some of the comments they've made about something having to be done
about joyriders. Buy, hey, crucifixion? What are they thinking?

The RUC/PSNI detective investigating the attack has already ruled it out as
being a sectarian attack. Wow. Super cop, I guess. What would the
headlines say if a Protestant kid was beaten like this in a Catholic area?
What would the police say? Will anyone be arrested, let alone convicted of
this sick crime? After all, it's only a Catholic.

This is what we're dealing with in Northern Ireland. This vicious attack is
a viceral expression of how those that would preserve the union think. If up
to them, we'd see more and more of this kind of perverse action towards those
Fenian bastards. It's not the first time.

As democracy lies broken down, out of petrol on the side of the road, even
that blind, three-legged dog on the streets in The Bone knows the score.
With the freely-elected government of Northern Ireland suspended at the
behest of unionist rejectionist, one can only guess what's next. But
crucifixion? Come on, for Christ's sake. Something has to be done. Read on.
Dennis

Police seek vigilantes after man is 'crucified'
By Thomas Harding, Ireland Correspondent
(Filed: 04/11/2002)
telegraph.co.uk

Punishment beatings in Northern Ireland had reached a "new low in barbarity",
police said yesterday, after a man was nailed to a stile and beaten with
baseball bats.

Detectives were seeking loyalist vigilantes who carried out the "crucifixion"
attack on 23-year-old Harry McCartan in west Belfast.

Mr McCartan, who has a conviction for car crime, was so badly beaten that he
has been unable to speak to police. His father could only identify him by a
tattoo on his arm of his daughter Chloe, five.

Paramedics found Mr McCartan unconscious, with both of his hands nailed to
the stile's wooden posts, early on Saturday. The attackers used six-inch
nails that had been bent, apparently to make their removal more difficult.

Firemen had to saw through the fencing. Mr McCartan was taken to the Royal
Victoria Hospital with the blocks of wood still attached to his hands.
Surgeons operated for several hours to remove the nails and treated him for a
fractured thigh.

Mr McCartan also had puncture wounds to his legs, probably caused by nails
driven into a baseball bat, and a stab-type wound to the side of his head.
The hospital described his condition as stable.

Mr McCartan's father, Henry, said: "His face was unrecognisable. He was
bleeding from his eyes and his ears." The victim's brother, Neil, said: "The
doctors said he was lucky because the nails missed the arteries and bones in
his hand.

"It is believed that terrorists from the Ulster Freedom Fighters found Mr
McCartan, a Catholic from Poleglass, west Belfast, in the loyalist area of
Dunmurry, south Belfast. Loyalists had previously said they would "make an
example of joyriders".

Supt Gerry Murray, who ruled out a sectarian attack, said: "I have never seen
anything so barbaric." Detectives were examining a BMW car stolen from
Dunmurry and found in Andersonstown with two blood-stained baseball bats
inside.

http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/main.jhtml?xml=/news/2002/11/04/nnail04.xml&sS

heet=/news/2002/11/04/ixhome.html

'Crucifixion' sparks raids by police raids

Rosie Cowan, Ireland correspondent
Tuesday November 5, 2002
The Guardian
http://www.guardian.co.uk/Northern_Ireland/Story/0,2763,830297,00.html

Police investigating the "crucifixion" on Saturday of a young Catholic last
night searched a loyalist estate on the outskirts of Belfast.

The operation was in Seymour Hill estate, where Harry McCartan, 23, from the
nearby nationalist Poleglass estate, was savagely beaten and left nailed by
his hands to a wooden stile, bleeding profusely from eyes, ears and mouth.

A police spokesman said clothing, bats, knives and a computer were seized in
the raid on five houses and a derelict flat. Officers were examining the flat
last night.

Mr McCartan spoke from his hospital bed yesterday to brand his attackers as
"animals and cowards".

His face was so badly cut and bruised that his father, also called Harry,
only recognised his son from a tattoo of his five-year-old daughter's name,
Chloe, on his arm.

Loyalist sources said that the attack was a "reaction to car crime"; Mr
McCartan senior, 55, condemned it as sectarian. His son wept when he saw
newspaper photographs of his horrific injuries. He was taken to hospital
semi-conscious, his hands still attached to bits of wood, and had a five-hour
emergency operation. He gets injections of painkillers every four hours. His
family said it could be weeks before doctors would know if he would regain
full use of his hands.

Yesterday, struggling to speak through pain, he said: "Nobody should be
treated like this. They are just cowards. I was on my own, and it must have
taken more than four people to do this. They're just animals."

Mr McCartan said that he could remember little of his ordeal. He had woken up
in hospital with a terrible ache in his hands and knees, and seen blood
running down his face.

"I thought it was a dream," he said. "Then I saw my father and brother and
asked them what had happened."

An Ulster Defence Association source claimed that the attack was not
orchestrated by the UDA but was carried out by loyalists in response to car
crime in the district where Mr McCartan was found, the staunchly Protestant
Seymour Hill area of Dunmurry, on the outskirts of south Belfast. The victim
admitted that he had previously been beaten with hammers, over joyriding
allegations. Although released from prison weeks ago after serving 15 months
in connection with car theft, Mr McCartan senior believed his son had been
attacked this time because he was a Catholic.

"He was getting his life back together, seeing the daughter he hadn't seen in
months.

"This is because he is a Catholic, yet this is supposed to be a free country.
If these animals are caught, they'll serve a couple of years in jail while my
son suffers for the rest of his life."

Paramilitaries routinely carry out so-called "punishment attacks" in their
own communities and, less commonly outside their communities, for those they
decide have been guilty of "anti-social behaviour" - car theft or drug
dealing not authorised by them. Crucifixion has been used before, but police
said Mr McCartan's ordeal had been brutal in the extreme.

2002-11-03T11:47:00.000-10:00

This Month in the History of the Irish
November 1st

On the morning of Nov. 1, 1920, two masses were celebrated at an altar that
18-year-old IRA member Kevin Barry had constructed in his jail cell in
Mountjoy Jail in Dublin. Barry was then led out of his cell by British
soldiers and hanged. Six weeks earlier, on Sept. 20, Barry had taken part in
an IRA raid in Dublin which had gone terribly wrong and resulted in a
gunfight with British soldiers in which six soldiers were killed. In the
weeks since then he had been tortured in an attempt to get him to name other
IRA members, but he never relinquished their names. Barry's hanging helped
create thousands more rebels by the inspiration of young Barry's martyrdom,
and persuaded millions more around the world that the cause of the Irish was
just. Soon a ballad would be written commemorating Barry's tragedy, though no
one knows now exactly who wrote it. It would be sung through the years, even
becoming so popular among British soldiers that it was banned by British army
commanders.

On Nov. 2, 1920, James Daly was killed by a British firing squad in India.
Daly had been one of the leaders of the so-called "India Mutiny." It had
begun on May 28, 1920, led by Joseph Hawes at Wellington barracks in
Jullundar, India. 350 Irish members of the famous Connaught Rangers regiment
of the British army laid down their arms and refused to keep soldiering as
long as British troops remained in Ireland. As word of more and more Black
and Tan atrocities against the Irish people spread among the Irish troops,
they had begun to question their own roles in serving the British empire. The
mutiny soon spread to Ranger detachments in Solon and Jutogh. Daly was
stationed at Solon and he helped lead the action of the mutineers there. Two
would die in Solon during a brief confrontation. Eventually, 61 Rangers were
convicted by courts martial and 14 sentenced to death. All but one of those
condemned men had their sentences reduced. Daly, of Tyrellspass, County
Westmeath, was the only one shot. In 1970 James Daly's body was brought home
and buried at Tyrellspass.

On Nov. 3, 1815, John Mitchel, Young Irelander and Irish patriot, was born
in Comnish, County Derry, the son of a Presbyterian minister. Mitchel
obtained a law degree from Trinity College, Dublin, in 1834 and worked in a
law office in Banbridge, Co. Down and came into conflict with the local
Orange Order. Mitchel met Thomas Davis and Gavan Duffy during visits Dublin.
He joined Young Ireland and began to write for The Nation. Mitchel formed his
own paper, The United Irishmen, to advocate passive resistance by Ireland's
starving masses. In 1848, the British arrested Mitchel, accusing him of
felony-treason, and closed down his paper. A packed jury convicted him and he
was deported first to Bermuda and then to Australia. But in June 1853 he
escaped to the United States. When the American Civil War broke out, Mitchel,
already living in the South, was a strong supporter of the its cause, as was
his family. He lost two sons, one at Gettysburg in 1863 and another at Ft.
Sumter in 1864, and another son lost an arm. In 1874 the British allowed him
to return to Ireland and he was immediately elected to Parliament from
Tipperary. The government removed him but the people of Tipperary voted him
in again. Before this could be resolved, John Mitchel died in Newry and was
buried there.

On Nov. 3, 1717, Henry Luttrell, soldier and suspected betrayer of the
Jacobites, was assassinated in Dublin. Luttrell was born about the mid-1650s
and raised on his family's estate at Luttrellstown, Co. Dublin. As an adult,
he served for a time in the French army before joining the Jacobite army of
James II. Luttrell commanded cavalry under Patrick Sarsfield in Ireland
during the Williamite War. Sarsfield, a long time friend of Luttrell's,
considered him one of his best commanders. At Aughrim in July 1691,
Luttrell's troops failed to hold a vital causeway on the Franco-Irish left
flank. Though many military historians would say his force was simply not
large enough to hold the position and was unsupported by others whom might
have come to his aid, Luttrell's later conduct caused his actions at Aughrim
to be questioned. In Limerick on August 2, Sarsfield discovered a letter from
a Williamite officer to Luttrell regarding discussions they had had during a
truce about possible surrender terms. It is probable that Luttrell entered
into these discussions in an innocent manner, but Irish commander, Richard
Talbot had Luttrell court-martialed. He was found innocent, but after the
surrender of Limerick he was one of the few Irish officers who went over to
the English side. Luttrell received £500 a year and possession of his
brother's estate from William of Orange; his brother followed Sarsfield to
France. Many Irishmen were sure it was blood money for betraying them at
Aughrim, and he was shot in his sedan chair in Dublin. His murderer was never
caught. Luttrellwas so hated in Ireland that in 1797, 80 years after his
death, his skull was taken from his grave and smashed.

VOICES

Another martyr for old Ireland;
Another murder for the crown,
Whose brutal laws to crush the Irish,
Could not keep their spirit down.
Lads like Barry are no cowards.
From the foe they will not fly.
Lads like Barry will free Ireland,
For her sake they'll live and die.

-- The final two stanzas of the song "Kevin Barry"

'We were doing in India what the British forces were doing in Ireland.'
-- Connaught Ranger mutineer Joseph Hawes, reflecting on being a
member of the British army in India

'The Attorney General is present -- I retract nothing -- these are my well
judged-sentiments -- these are my opinions as to the relative position of
England and Ireland; and if I have, as you seem to insinuate, violated the
law by stating these things, I now deliberately do so again. Let her
majesty's attorney-general do his duty to his government, I have done mine to
my country.'
-- John Mitchel addressing the court at his trial for felony-treason
in 1848

If heav'n be pleas'd, when mortals cease to sin --
And hell be pleased, when villains enter in --
If earth be pleas'd, when it entombs a knave --
All must be pleas'd -- Now Luttrell's in his grave
-- From a poem written about Henry Luttrell in 1809

November - Samhain

BIRTHS

?, 1842 - Joseph McCullagh (U.S. Journalist, - Dublin)
1, 1625 - St. Oliver Plunkett (Archbishop and Martyr - Loughcrew, Co. Meath)
3, 1815 - John Mitchel (Revolutionary - Camnish, Co. Derry)
4, 1884 - Harry Ferguson (Inventor - Hillsborough, Co. Down)
4, 1918 - Art Carney (actor and WWII veteran - Mt. Vernon, NY)
8, 1847 - Bram Stroker (Author)
9, 1826 - Eduardo Butler Y Anguita (Admiral in the Spanish navy, Cádiz)
10, 1774 - Oliver Goldsmith (Author - Pallas, Co. Longford)
10, 1879 - Patrick Pearse (Revolutionary - Dublin)
10, 1896 - Lady Mary Heath (nee Pierce) (Pioneer aviator and athlete -
Newcastlewest, Co. Limerick)
11, 1873 - Daniel Daly (Double Medal of Honor winner - Glen Cove, NY)
15, 1881 - William Pearse (Revolutionary, brother of Patrick - Dublin.)
16, 1814 - Michael Kelly Lawler (Union General - Co. Kildare)
17, 1814 - Joseph Finegan (Confederate General - Clones, Co. Monaghan)
20, 1830 - Patrick Henry Jones (Union General - Co. Meath)
20, 1840 - John Russell Young (US journalist - Co. Tyrone.)
22, 1919 - Maire Drumm (nee McAteer) (Republican - Newry, Co. Armagh.)
23, 1819 - Margaret Aylward (Founder of the Sisters of the Holy Faith -
Waterford.)
23, 1841 - Richard Croker (Boss of Tammany Hall, New York - Clonakilty, Co.
Cork.)
29, 1859 - William H. "Billy the Kid" Bonney (Outlaw - New York City)
24, 1807 - Henry Blosse Lynch (Soldier and explorer - Ballinrobe, Co. Mayo.)
29, 1902 - Tommy Loughran (Light-Heavyweight boxing champion.)
30, 1667 - Jonathan Swift (Author - Hoey's Court, Dublin)

SIGNIFICANT EVENTS
1, Celtic New Year.
1, 1851 - The Adjutant General of the State of New York issues General Order
489, providing for the formation of a militia regiment that would come to be
known as the 69th NY.
1, 1920 - Kevin Barry executed.
1, 1884 - Founding of the Gaelic Athletic Association.
2, 1920 - James Daley of Connaught Rangers executed for mutiny in India.
3, 1717 - Henry Luttrell, soldier, suspected betrayer of Jacobites,
assassinated in Dublin.
3, 1798 - Wolfe Tone arrested after arriving in Lough Swilly with French.
3, 1854 - Catholic University opened in Dublin.
4, 1791 - Irish-born Revolutionary War General Richard Butler is killed in
battle against the Miamis.
4, 1873 - General William Ryan of the Cuban rebel forces executed in
Santiago, Cuba.
5, 1688 - William of Orange arrives in England.
6, 1649 - Owen Roe O'Neill dies.
8, 1960 - An Irish peacekeeping force ambushed in the Congo, causing first
overseas combat deaths of the Irish Republic.
8, 1987 - IRA bomb kills 11 at Remembrance Day celebration in Enniskillen.
9, 1791 - Napper Tandy convenes first meeting of Dublin's United Irishmen.
10, 1798 - Tone tried and convicted by court martial in Dublin; sentenced to
be hanged.
10, 1861 - Young Irelander Terence MacManus buried in Glasnevin Cemetery,
Dublin.
11, 1918 - Armistice Day (Veteran's Day) -- First World War ends.
14, 1180 - St. Laurence O'Toole, Archbishop of Dublin, dies in France.
15-17, 1890 - Catherine (Kitty) O'Shea divorce hearings.
15, 1985 - Garret Fitzgerald and Margaret Thatcher sign Anglo-Irish Agreement.
16, 1688 - Irish Catholic Ann "Goody" Glover is hanged as witch by the
Puritans in Boston.
17-19, 1862 - Corcoran's Irish Legion mustered into the Federal service.
18-21, 1873 - Home Rule League formed in Dublin.
19, 1798 - Tone dies from self-inflicted wound in provost-marshal's prison,
Dublin barracks.
20, 1943 - The 165th Inf. (69th NY) lands on Makin Island in the Pacific,
Col. Conroy is killed on the first day.
21, 1814 - Irish Brigadier Juan MacKenna, to the service of the Independence
of Chile, dies in Buenos Aires in a duel with Luis Race.
21, 1920 - "Bloody Sunday" Massacre -- 11 British agents in Dublin
assassinated by Collins men in the early morning hours.
21, 1973 - Sunningdale accord introduces power-sharing executive for Northern
Ireland.
22, 1869 - O'Donovan Rossa wins Tipperary MP seat; declared ineligible as
convicted felon.
22, 1963 - JFK assassinated in Dallas, Tex.
23, 1867 - Execution of the Fenian "Manchester Martyrs."
23, 1913 - Irish Citizen Army founded in Dublin by James Larkin.
24, 1865 - IRB founder James Stephens escapes from Richmond Gaol
24, 1922 - Erskine Childers (Irish Republican) executed by Free State.
25, 1783 - After the British evacuate New York City, George Washington has
breakfast with Irish immigrant and American spy Hercules Mulligan, helping to
clear his reputation in the city.
25, 1864 - The 10th Tenn. (Confederate-Irish) fights at the battle of
Missionary Ridge, TN.
25, 1913 - Founding of the Irish Volunteers.
26, 1781 - Units of Dillon's and Walsh's regiments of the Irish Brigade of
France help capture the island of St. Eustache.
26, 1791 -- First convicts from Ireland arrive in New South Wales, Australia
aboard the Queen.
27, 1953 - Playwright Eugene O'Neill dies.
28, 1864 - Establishmen of Fenian newspaper, "Irish People."
28, 1899 - Irish units in Boer army fight in the battle of Modder River
(Modderspruit).
28, 1920 - Tom Barry and his Cork Flying Column ambush a convoy in
Kilmichael.
29, 1895 - Denny Lane, Young Irelander, author and poet dies.
30, 1864 - The 10th Tenn. (Confederate-Irish) fights at battle of Franklin,
TN.
30, 1864 - Irish-born Confederate Gen. Patrick Cleburne is killed in command
of his division at battle of Franklin, TN.
30, 1900 - Playwright and poet Oscar Wilde dies in Paris.
30, 1930 - Union organizer and human rights activist Mary Harris "Mother"
Jones dies and is buried in the Union Miners Cemetery in Mount Olive,
Illinois.

2002-11-03T09:24:00.000-10:00

Short Strand* A Community Under Siege
Since Saturday May 11th the Catholic/nationalist community in the Short Strand, a small enclave situated on the edge of a predominately Protestant/Unionist east Belfast, has been subjected to an organized, concerted and unrelenting campaign of sectarian violence and intimidation. A situation that has failed to be considered news worthy enough for the visual media.
End the Loyalist Pogrom
Access to Essential Services Denied
Doctors
Chemist
Post Office
Bank
Dentist
Baby Clinic
Shopping centres

Attacked by
UDA/UVF
Petrol Bombs
Pipe Bombs
RUC/PSNI
Plastic Bullets
Over 100 Injured
Oppose Sectarianism. Support the Residents of Short Strand

2002-11-02T08:52:00.000-10:00

IRA's Contribution To Peace Indispensable

BY JIM GIBNEY

August 31, 1994 IRA announces cessation of military operations.

July 20, 1997 IRA renews cessation.

July 21 1999 IRA issues statement of commitment to peace and acknowledges the Good Friday Agreement can contribute to lasting peace.

May 6 2000 IRA undertakes to open some of its arms dumps for inspection and says it is prepared to 'initiate a process that will completely and verifiably put arms beyond use'.

June 26 2000 IRA states it has opened some of its arms dumps to weapons inspectors.

October 25 2000 IRA announces it will permit further inspection of some of its arms dumps.

October 23 2001 IRA announces it has put arms beyond use.

April 8 2002 IRA announces it has carried out a second act with a 'varied' and 'substantial' amount of weaponry put beyond use.

July 17 2002 IRA apology to families of non-combatants killed by them and recognises the grief of all those that lost loved ones in the conflict.

Other equally significant events followed on the heels of these developments or alongside them. Loyalists called cessations, all-party talks took place. A new political dispensation called the Good Friday Agreement emerged from negotiations. It was endorsed by the people of Ireland.

Sinn Féin changed its constitution to permit elected representatives to take their seats in a northern parliament. Martin Mc Guinness and Bairbre de Brún became Ministers in an Executive.

The Irish government changed Articles 2 and 3 of its Constitution and the British government changed the Government of Ireland Act, which partitioned Ireland. They transferred their claim to the Six Counties from London to the people of the Six Counties.

All-Ireland institutions dealing with a range of issues were established. In theory, the partitionist arrangements that set up the two states in Ireland in 1920 were overcome.

These were events of huge significance, which transformed politics on this island and between Britain and Ireland - dramatic developments in anyone's book, unthinkable a few years ago. A fresh and bold approach by republicans was central to these new realities taking shape.

The IRA took its life in its hands, took huge risks and gave the necessary space to allow a process of conflict resolution to take shape.

Eight years into trying to establish a credible conflict resolution process which would unravel the issues that bound everyone to armed force of one form or another, the British government now appears set on a course that could stall the political momentum of recent years.

How else can Tony Blair's Belfast speech be interpreted? He declared: "...we cannot carry on with the IRA half in, half out of this process..." and "...the continuing existence of the IRA as an active paramilitary organisation is now the best card those whom republicans call 'rejectionist' unionists, have in their hand".

Are republicans to understand from these remarks that the British government no longer views the IRA as a key player in bringing about the changes we all enjoy today?

Are we to understand from these remarks that the British government thinks that there is some other force out there inside the republican family that they can deal with who will be able to sustain the IRA's contribution to the peace process and will be capable of encouraging the IRA to continue as it has done in the past?

Are we to understand from these remarks that the British government does not appreciate the reality that the IRA are guarantors of the peace process; that they are one of its principal underwriters; that without the current leadership of the IRA and the trust their volunteers have in their judgement, there would not be a peace process.

We all face a number of realities and high office doesn't insulate us from these realities, wherever we reside.

I do not like the fact but I accept it that there are 30,000 British troops roaming around the Six Counties. I do not like the fact but I accept it that armed loyalists are in every working class Protestant area across the Six Counties. I do not like the fact but I accept it that British policy is actively blocking the reunification of Ireland.

I seek to change all of these realities to the one I prefer: Irish independence. Until I arrive at this political outcome a number of things could happen.

The Crown forces could be removed from the streets. They could be confined to barracks. Their military bases could be demolished. They'd be there but I wouldn't see them anymore.

They could cease to be an aid to British government policy, a bargaining chip to be employed against republicans when the British government need them.

The loyalists could decide to follow the IRA's example and begin to put their arms 'verifiably beyond use'. They could stop being pawns in the hands of British intelligence agencies and the PSNI Special Branch. They could stop peddling drugs and destroying the lives of teenagers. The UDA in particular could decide to reinstate its cessation, stop killing Catholics and its former associates.

Following on in this vein, the British government could get real and recognise: The IRA, like it or not, has existed in one form or another in Ireland for most of the last hundred years.

The IRA, like it or not, has played a very big part in shaping the political history of Ireland over the last century. For example without the IRA, the southern state would not exist. Whatever I and most other republicans think about the extent of freedom and independence the Irish government has, they would not have a millimetre of territory to administer were it not for the IRA fighting the British between 1916 and 1921.

The IRA, as I write, continues to make a positive contribution to shaping the political life of this nation.

The IRA is a secret army but its decisions in recent years have had a very public and beneficial affect on the lives of the people of Ireland and Britain.

I would have expected Tony Blair to realise this.

2002-11-02T08:11:00.000-10:00

The Parades Commission has barred the Apprentice Boys loyal order from parading into a nationalist part of Belfast.

The Belfast Walker Club had applied to march along the lower Ormeau Road on the way to the Cenotaph as part of their Remembrance Day commemoration to remember the dead of the two world wars.

But the commission said there was the potential for disorder if the parade on 9 November went ahead with no restrictions.

It said the parade would be prohibited from crossing Ormeau Bridge or entering the lower Ormeau area.

'Mediation window'

However, in its determination, the commission said it was directing its officers to again engage with the Apprentice Boys and the Lower Ormeau Concerned Community group.

It said the "key" lay in their willingness to find agreement.

In the interim, along with the route restrictions, the commission also restricted the number of bands allowed to take part in the parade.

And the organisers were warned that the parade would have properly stewarded, being promptly and disperse promptly.

2002-11-01T11:32:00.000-10:00

Meehan makes emotional journey to war graves

Ardoyne republican Martin Meehan has been telling of his trip to the
graveyards of northern France where he payed his last respects to his
grandfather.
Martin Meehan’s grandfather, Camillus Clarke, was 36 years-old when on May 3
1916 he was killed fighting with the British Army in the First World War.
He left behind nine children, the youngest of whom was Martin Meehan’s
mother.
More than 86 years later the veteran republican made the historic trip to
Behume, a small town in the north west of France, where his grandfather was
buried.
He described it as an emotional journey.
“We brought over some soil from the family plot in Belfast and Holy water
from the Holy Cross church, which would have been my grandfather’s parish.
“It was strange to think that this was the final resting place of a man who
had lived his life in North Belfast.
“Two things struck me about the graveyard.
“Firstly it seemed that almost everyone buried there had came from Ireland
and I wondered if the Irishmen who fought in the war were seen as
dispensable, as cannon fodder.
“The other thing that stood out was the difference between the graves of the
ordinary soldiers and the generals and officers.
“The ordinary soldiers were buried almost on top of each other while the
officers had huge plots.
“I though it was rather sad that even in death differences should be made
between the soldiers.”
Thousands of Irishmen died in the First World War and despite the sacrifices
made by Ulster Protestants in the Battle of the Somme more Irish Catholics
were killed in action.
And with the outbreak of the War of Independence in Ireland in 1918 many
Catholic areas in the North came under attack from loyalist and unionist
forces.
Ironically it was often Catholics who had fought with the British Army who
were to the fore in defending nationalist areas.
Martin Meehan says he believes his grandfather died fighting for the freedom
of small nations.
“When my grandfather joined the British Army and went to fight in the First
World War he believed he was fighting for the freedom of small nations
across the world, that is what they were told at the time.
“And like many other Irishmen he thought that by fighting in the war he was
helping to secure Home Rule in Ireland.
“That is what they were promised by the British government at the time.”
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2002-11-01T11:30:00.000-10:00

Blair 'said exclude Sinn Fein'
Mark Durkan met Blair as political crisis climaxed

SDLP leader Mark Durkan has said Prime Minister Tony Blair told him there were grounds to exclude Sinn Fein from Northern Ireland's power-sharing government instead of suspending devolution.

In an exclusive interview with BBC Radio Ulster's Inside Politics programme, Mr Durkan alleges that Mr Blair also tried in vain to persuade him to back a motion to exclude Sinn Fein.

The allegations from Mr Durkan come just a few weeks after the government suspended power-sharing in the wake of unionist threats to quit government, and allegations of IRA spying within the Northern Ireland Office.

Rather than suspend and "punish" all the parties, the government toyed with the option of having the secretary of state direct the assembly to debate a motion to exclude Sinn Fein on the grounds it had breached democratic principles.

Tony Blair suggested expelling Sinn Fein, Mark Durkan said

For such a motion to succeed, it would have required the backing of the SDLP.

According to its leader, he met Tony Blair in Downing Street and the prime minister raised the prospect of an exclusion motion.

Mr Durkan told the BBC: "Tony Blair asked us in Downing Street if we would support an exclusion motion.

"We asked Tony Blair if he would be tabling an exclusion motion. He said: I asked you first."

Mr Durkan went on: "We asked Tony Blair if he thought there was a basis whether there were grounds for exclusion.

"He said he thought there were grounds for an exclusion motion but that there was no point in putting it unless the SDLP were prepared to support it."

The SDLP leader said he then told the prime minister that he wasn't in possession of "any evidence" Downing Street purported to have to justify exclusion.

'Courage'

Mr Durkan also said his party's policy was one of inclusive politics.

And he rejected any suggestion that his decision was based on electoral considerations.

He pointed out his party had shown courage in breaking away from Sinn Fein on the policing issue.

A spokesman for the prime minister, when asked to comment on Mr Durkan's claims said: "It's clear an exclusion motion wouldn't be supported by the SDLP and Downing Street's view is that it's much more important to focus on the future than the past."

Clearly, Downing Street is determined not to get involved in a verbal slanging match with the SDLP.

Mr Durkan was also asked on Inside Politics whether he came under pressure from the Taoiseach Bertie Ahern to exclude Sinn Fein.

He said the issue wasn't raised in discussions with the Irish Government.

Murphy talks

Mr Durkan's revelation came after a delegation from his party met Northern Ireland Secretary Paul Murphy on Friday as part of a series of talks aimed at ending the current crisis.

Mr Murphy also met the Ulster Unionist Party, Alliance Party and anti-Agreement unionists on Friday.

He is trying to pave the way for a review of the implementation of the Agreement on which devolution was based and find a basis on which the institutions could be restored.

But the parties are very divided on how the government should proceed.

On Thursday after meeting Mr Murphy, Sinn Fein President Gerry Adams accused the government of not having a plan for resolving the current crisis.

The latest development comes as the SDLP's annual conference starts in Armagh.

The party's deputy leader Brid Rodgers is to address delegates on Friday night. Mr Durkan is to make his main speech on Saturday.

Inside Politics will be broadcast on BBC Radio Ulster at 1310 GMT on Saturday.

2002-11-01T10:51:00.000-10:00

Leading loyalist is shot in legs by UDA

THE UDA today admitted carrying out a paramilitary-style gun attack on a prominent north Belfast loyalist.

Fifty-three-year-old Davy Mahood was shot in both legs last night in the Ballysillan area.

Mr Mahood was the north Belfast spokesman of the UDA's now defunct political wing, the UDP, and has also been a member of the UDA-linked Ulster Political Research Group.

The kneecapping attack was carried out after 8pm yesterday, close to Benview Community Centre in Ballysillan.

The north Belfast UDA admitted the shooting in a statement issued today.

It accused Mr Mahood of "subversive activity" and said his life had been spared because his "previous good work" had been recognised.

Mr Mahood claimed last month to have been targeted in a gun attack at Oldpark Road in north Belfast.

He was uninjured but said afterwards that it was an attempt on his life.

Loyalist sources today denied that last night's shooting was linked to wider tensions within the UDA, involving its feud with the LVF and its split with Shankill paramilitary chief Johnny Adair.

Adair's close ally John White today described the Ballysillan attack as "absolutely disgraceful".

He also stated that Mr Mahood was undergoing surgery this morning for his injuries.

Mr White said: "This man has given sterling service to loyalism over 30 years.

"He has been a spokesman for the UDP and more recently the UPRG and has also worked very hard in the community, particularly in the Tigers Bay area.

"I have been speaking to people in that area today about what has happened and they just can't believe it. He is very well respected."

Mr Mahood and Mr White were involved in talks with Belfast's Sinn Fein Mayor Alex Maskey earlier this year.

2002-10-31T07:36:00.000-10:00

Trimble brushes off second place

DAVID Trimble today brushed off his failure to top the poll at his own
Ulster Unionist Constituency Association selection meeting for the next
Assembly elections.

But his second place finish behind George Savage MLA was being interpreted
as a further blow to his leadership.

It is unusual for a party leader not to come out on top in a reselection
meeting. Mr Trimble was 15 votes behind Mr Savage.

Speculation over a scramble for third place on the Upper Bann ticket was
also confounded when Samuel Gardiner, a former Craigavon mayor, was added to
the election team.

Mr Trimble said the delegates had "thought for themselves".

"At the end of the day, 160 of them voted for me and I think that is
marvellous," he added.

Mr Savage, a strong supporter of Mr Trimble and staunchly pro-Agreement,
said: "He beat me many a time - so it is nice to have one over on him!"

A number of the delegates, however, admitted afterwards the result would be
a disappointment for Mr Trimble.

He survived another potential challenge to his leadership at the most recent
Ulster Unionist Council meeting when he drew up a more dramatic strategy -
to pull out of the institutions in January unless there was IRA
disbandment - than his opponents. Since then have come the allegations of
republican infiltration of the Northern Ireland Office and the reimposition
of direct rule.

It was the last of the UUP associations to pick its candidates for the
Assembly elections, whenever they may be.

2002-10-30T07:49:00.000-10:00

IRA breaks off contact with decomissioning body
The IRA has announced it has broken off its contact with the decommissioning body.

The statement from the IRA leadership, printed in this week's An Phoblacht/Republican News, comes after last week's speech by the British

Prime Minister Tony Blair called for the IRA's disbandment and the earlier suspension of the assembly and executive.

The IRA statement, signed "P O'Neill" in the traditional way, says the British government is placing all the blame for the crisis in the North, and its resolution, on republicans.

It also says there is an effort to impose unacceptable and untenable ultimatums on the IRA.

It says the British government, by its own admission, has not kept its commitments. The IRA says, however, it remains committed to the search for a just and lasting peace.

2002-10-30T07:28:00.000-10:00

My War With the British Is Over----Martin McGuinness

http://www.belfasttelegraph.co.uk/news/story.jsp?story=347244

Sinn Fein's chief negotiator, Martin McGuinness, will publicly declare today
that his war with the British is over. He couples his declaration, in a BBC
documentary, with an admission that he joined the IRA as a teenager.

His words will be scoured for significance, given that Irish republicans are
currently ruminating on Tony Blair's call for the IRA to disband. The Prime
Minister's plea has stimulated much debate in republican circles, with the
Sinn Fein president, Gerry Adams, saying it angered many people.

Mr Blair specifically commended the two Sinn Fein leaders in his speech,
declaring: "I believe that Gerry Adams and Martin McGuinness want the [Good
Friday] Agreement to work. I think they have taken huge risks to try to bury
the past. But the crunch is the crunch."

The IRA and Sinn Fein have both passed critical comment on the Prime
Minister's words, but neither has come up with a definitive reaction. Mr
McGuinness's words will therefore attract more than usual attention. He says
in the documentary to be screened on BBC Northern Ireland tonight: "My war
is over. My job as a political leader is to prevent war.

"My job is to continue to ensure a political set of circumstances which will
never again see British soldiers or members of the IRA lose their lives as a
result of political conflict. I feel very passionate about that. My
political project until the day I retire from politics or die is to build a
better future for all of our people ... It is a political project, not a
military one."

The documentary includes interviews with republicans and journalists. Mr
McGuinness speaks of joining the organisation as a teenager: "Certainly in
the minds of those people who were 17, 18, 19, 20 years of age – I was 19
years of age approximately at that time – thoughts do turn to how you can be
more effective in terms of confronting the British Army and the RUC ...

"I and many others made a very conscious decision to seek to join the IRA
and be more effective in resistance. When you seek to join the IRA, you do
not join the IRA to play games. You join the IRA to be part of a military
force which is prepared to take on the British Army and the RUC to take them
on in battle. That is the reality."

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2002-10-20T09:14:00.000-10:00

Police ombudsman to see `police inaction' riot video

Dublin, Ireland, 20 October, 2002

The North's police ombudsman is to examine video footage of alleged police inaction in Belfast's Short Strand, The Sunday Business Post has learned.

Several complaints have been brought against the Police Service of Northern Ireland (PSNI) relating to an incident which occurred in Belfast on June 5 last.

Nationalists claim the PSNI failed to protect a funeral cortege from a loyalist mob, as it prepared to leave St Matthew's chapel on the Newtownards Road. Footage of the incident will form part of the ombudsman's investigation into these claims.

The ombudsman is responding to a test case taken by solicitors Kevin Winters and Co in Belfast, in which it agreed to investigate instances of alleged police negligence. Prior to this, the ombudsman had regarded such inaction as a matter of policing policy to be dealt with by the PSNI chief constable.

The case was taken to the Belfast High Court in July. It was withdrawn last month after the ombudsman agreed to investigate claims of police inaction.

There is concern in the ombudsman's office that if the case is not investigated quickly it may jeopardise the chances of charges being brought against PSNI officers.

Solicitor Kevin Winters welcomed the ombudsman investigation. "It seems to be a genuine attempt by the police ombudsman to investigate the policing of Short Strand," he said

He said the case formed part of an overall campaign to investigate the policing of east Belfast in recent months.

This follows continuing violence in the interface areas. Nationalists have repeatedly claimed the PSNI are failing to prevent attacks on their community from loyalists.

PSNI assistant chief constable Alan McQuillan said last month loyalists were responsible for the "significant majority" of sectarian violence in east Belfast. His comments drew criticism from unionists who maintain that republicans are initiating the violence.

Ulster Unionist councillor Jim Rodgers last week claimed republicans had been attacking their own homes with petrol bombs and attributing blame to loyalists.

Sinn Féin rejected his claims, saying it was an attempt to mislead the public about violence in the area.

Repair work to the `peace line' between the loyalist Cluan Place and nationalist Clandeboye Drive had to be abandoned on Thursday following a loyalist death threat to workers.

2002-10-20T09:12:00.000-10:00

Adams warns referendum will haunt Europe

Gerry Adams has said that the issues surrounding the Nice Treaty will come back to haunt Europe.

Speaking at Dublin Castle this evening, Mr. Adams said there would be serious ramifications from the 'Yes' result.

The Sinn Féin leader and 'No' campaigner said: "These issues from the Nice Treaty referendum will come back to haunt the European Union.

"I think the yes camp exploited the generosity of people here because they factored their campaign mostly upon the plight of the applicant states."

2002-10-19T07:23:00.000-10:00

Traders under threat

The father of a seven-year-old girl injured when thieves raided an Ormeau
Road newsagents last week has branded those responsible as “thugs”.

Little Una MacEacaidh suffered a slight head wound when two thieves swooped
on News Extra newsagents on the Lower Ormeau Road last Thursday evening.

The child and a number of friends had gone there to buy sweets after
attending a nearby youth centre when two men entered the shop.

After distracting storeowner Dympna Shields one of the men snatched £1,200
worth of phone cards. It was while they tried to make their escape that tiny
Una was flung into a magazine rack.

Now the girl’s furious father Sean MacEacaidh says his daughter has been
left traumatised by the incident.

“She was very shocked,” said Sean. “When they brought her home she was in a
bad way.

We just tried to calm her down. Her little friends who were with her where
also in shock.

“The thugs who did this are not from this area. Dympna and her husband Eamon
have been here for 15 years and are part of this
community. They offer a vital community service and do not deserve to be
treated like this,” he said.

This latest robbery is the fourth time in 18 months that the family run
business has been targeted.

“I am seriously thinking of getting out,” said Dympna Shields. “This is the
fourth time in the past 18 months that we have been robbed.

“I have had a gun put to my head and robbers have pulled out a machete in
the past. To be honest it is not worth it.”

But Dympna says any decision to leave the business will be difficult.

“We like it here. And we enjoy offering the local community a valuable
service. So if we do decide to walk away it will be a very difficult thing
to do,” she said.

Mayor of Belfast and Laganbank councillor Alex Maskey called on the
surrounding community to support local traders.

“I am very disappointed that shopkeepers feel they have to take this kind of
action,” said the Sinn Féin man. “These people work long and hard to make a
living and they shouldn’t have to put up with this.”

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